Michael Johns (executive)

Michael Johns (executive)
Michael Johns

Michael Johns exiting Tavern on the Green, New York City, April 4, 2008.
Born September 8, 1964 (1964-09-08) (age 47)
Allentown, Pennsylvania, U.S.
Nationality American
Alma mater University of Miami (BBA)
Occupation Health care executive, former federal government official, public policy analyst, author and writer
Website
Michael Johns
Notes

Michael Johns (born September 8, 1964) is an American health care executive, former federal government of the United States official and conservative policy analyst and writer.

Contents

Biography

Johns was born in Allentown, Pennsylvania and graduated from Emmaus High School in Emmaus, Pennsylvania in 1982. He received a Bachelor of Business Administration from the University of Miami in Coral Gables, Florida, where he majored in economics and graduated with honors in 1986. He is a member of Lambda Chi Alpha fraternity, being initiated as an undergraduate student at Miami. While attending Miami, Johns was also inducted into Miami's Iron Arrow Honor Society. He also attended Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge.[1]

Health care industry

Johns has served with global pharmaceutical corporation Eli Lilly, in the health care practice of a Philadelphia consulting firm and as vice president of Gentiva Health Services, a Long Island-based Fortune 1000 corporation.[2] As part of Gentiva senior management, Johns helped lead a quintupling of the company's market capitalization and one of the largest health care acquisitions in recent years.[3] Subsequently, since 2003, he managed a division of Electric Mobility Corporation, a New Jersey-based global medical device company.[4]

Johns was a proponent of the Bush administration's 2006 launch of Medicare Part D, which expanded the federal Medicare program to cover pharmaceuticals for the elderly and chronically disabled, arguing that Medicare was spending too much on preventable hospitalizations and surgeries and too little on disease prevention and management. He also has advocated the use of dynamic scoring in federal and state health care budgeting, which he says would more properly reflect the overall health spending savings that would be realized with adequate investments in preventive medicine and home care.[5]

In his health care roles, Johns has supported increased biopharmaceutical and free market health care innovation, while simultaneously defending the need to protect Medicare, Medicaid and other governmental health programs for the nation's elderly, poor and disabled.[6]

Johns also is a current member of the board of directors for InvesTrend, a global equity research firm.[7]

Government and public policy

Cold War efforts

Johns has held high-level posts in American government and public policy. His writings on American foreign policy in the 1980s helped shape and promote the foreign policy of the Reagan administration. He was one of the original advocates of the so-called "Reagan Doctrine," successfully urging the United States to support forces opposing Soviet-backed and Soviet-aligned nations and one of the first Reagan Doctrine advocates to actually visit the front lines of these hot spots (Angola, Cambodia, Nicaragua, and the former Soviet Republics) with regularity. Johns also was a close advisor to Angola's Jonas Savimbi, whose Cold War conflict with Soviet-aligned Angola became a central Cold War sub-plot.

He is credited with helping shift Washington's intellectual tide away from containment of the Soviet Union (as advocated by post-war American leaders, such as Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry S. Truman) and toward a more aggressive approach dedicated to the "rollback" of global communism.

Johns was one of the most vocal U.S. conservatives in defending Ronald Reagan's controversial description of the former Soviet Union as an "evil empire."[8] In a lengthy Policy Review article, "Seventy Years of Evil: Soviet Crimes from Lenin to Gorbachev," for instance, Johns labeled the Soviet system "history's most sophisticated apparatus of rule by terror" and condemned its "crushing of the human spirit." He offered 208 examples, dating back to the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, that, he argued, warranted the labeling of the Soviet system as evil.[9] The article reinforced with some that Reagan's use of the phrase, while criticized as inflammatory by some world leaders, was warranted, with National Review praising the Johns article as "the tale of a state as brutal as it is petty; as unnatural as it is brutal; as enduring as it is unnatural."[10]

In the final years of the Cold War, Johns and other conservatives helped develop, implement and sustain a vastly more aggressive U.S. foreign policy, in which the U.S. consciously and pro-actively challenged the Soviet Union's global military engagements and alliances in Africa, Asia and Latin America in what columnist Charles Krauthammer, in a Time magazine column, first labeled the "Reagan Doctrine." The doctrine, espoused by Johns and other conservative foreign policy experts, was rooted in a belief that Soviet nuclear capabilities, combined with Soviet global aggression, represented a serious, growing threat to U.S. security that needed to be confronted. Unlike earlier proponents of containment, however, the doctrine's advocates also held that the Soviet Union was overextended globally, beginning to face major opposition at home and abroad and that even one high-profile victory for these anti-communist forces was likely to expose these vulnerabilities, inspiring democratic rebellion against Soviet-supported governments around the world and within the Soviet Union itself. Reagan Doctrine advocates argued that this offered the best opportunity to inspire the emergence of global democracies, or at least non-hostile governments, and end the Cold War without a need for direct U.S. engagement.

Johns maintained close relationships with the leaderships of resistance movements challenging Soviet-backed governments in Afghanistan, Angola,[11] Cambodia,[12] Ethiopia,[13] Laos,[14] Mozambique, Nicaragua and other nations, sometimes mitigating these resistance movements' concerns with Washington, sometimes carrying their messages to key Reagan administration officials.

Johns was influential and heavily engaged in securing U.S. assistance for resistance forces in Angola. After Soviet and Cuban military forces were deployed to Angola with the goal of eliminating Jonas Savimbi and his UNITA resistance forces, a Vietnam War-era statute that had prevented the Reagan administration from coming to the aid of Savimbi and UNITA was repealed and Johns and other conservatives quickly made a successful case that the U.S. had a moral and strategic obligation to promptly come to Savimbi's defense. Johns visited with Savimbi in his anti-aircraft-protected compound in Jamba, Angola, where he provided private counsel to the Angolan rebel leader,[11] and while U.S. military aid for Savimbi was kept covert, presumably to protect third party countries such as South Africa, Zaire and others involved in delivery of it, U.S. aid to Savimbi's forces quickly bolstered UNITA as a major military and political opposition force in the country.[15][16] In addition to visiting Savimbi in Angola, Johns also was influential in organizing visits by Savimbi to the U.S. As Savimbi's importance as a U.S. ally in the Cold War gained broader recognition, Reagan invited Savimbi to meet him in the Oval Office during one such visit. Following the meeting, Reagan spoke supportably of Savimbi "winning a victory that electrifies the world," suggesting that a UNITA victory in Angola would raise the spirits and prospects of other anti-communist movements around the world and possibly within the Soviet Union itself that were engaged in resisting Kremlin-backed communist governments.[17]

As the Angolan conflict escalated, Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev responded by urging Reagan and then President George H.W. Bush to cease U.S. support for Savimbi. But U.S. aid continued, and Johns returned from Angola to argue that Gorbachev's promises of "new thinking" in Soviet foreign policy, designed to end such proxy Third World conflicts, were absent in Angola where, Johns argued, Gorbachev was actually increasing Soviet military commitments in the Soviet-supported war against Savmibi and UNITA. "If Mikhail Gorbachev cannot be trusted in Angola," Johns asked in 1990, "can he be trusted anywhere?"[18]

The Angolan conflict was ultimately subjected to multi-party international negotiations, which provided for the removal of Cuban troops from the country. Johns wrote from Angola that Savimbi told him that he had not felt sufficiently consulted on the negotiations.[19] But the negotiations did ultimately lead to an agreement to meet UNITA's long-standing demand for national elections in the country, and Johns and other Savimbi supporters strongly urged Savimbi to run for President, which he did. In the primary election, neither Savimbi nor Angolan President José Eduardo dos Santos obtained the 50 percent of total votes necessary to win the election, and a run-off election was scheduled. Savimbi, however, alleged that the primary election had been tainted by substantial Angolan governmental fraud. In a controversial Savimbi decision, the Angolan resistance leader withdrew from the election process and returned to war, which continued until February 22, 2002, when Savimbi was killed in action in an Angolan military ambush.

Johns also was an advocate for U.S. support to other resistance movements confronting Soviet-backed governments. In Nicaragua, Johns visited regularly with the Nicaraguan contras, and he made several ultimately successful arguments in support of U.S. aid to the contras, including that Soviet military support for the Marxist Sandinista government and a neighboring Marxist insurgency in El Salvador (the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, or FMLN) represented Soviet violations of the Monroe Doctrine and that U.S. support for the contras was justified under the doctrine's self-defense provisions.[20] U.S. aid for the contras was authorized and the Sandinista government, under contra military and global political pressure, ultimately agreed to hold the free and fair elections the contras sought, which the Sandinistas then lost in one of several global indications that the Cold War was dissolving. Two years before his assassination by the Sandinistas in Managua, contra military commander Enrique Bermúdez, during a meeting in Tegucigalpa, asked Johns to author his autobiographical essay, "The Contras' Valley Forge," which is based on extensive discussions between the two and received substantial global media coverage in The New York Times, The Washington Post and elsewhere.[21][22] One of the few first-person contra accounts of the war, it was also Bermúdez's last major commentary on the conflict before his death.[23]

Johns also helped shape U.S. policy in other Cold War conflicts, including in Soviet-backed Cambodia, where the U.S. wished to apply the Reagan Doctrine but was understandably reluctant to support Cambodia's primary opposition movement, which was run by leaders and members of the former Khmer Rouge government. Johns denounced both the government and the Khmer Rouge resistance, and instead urged U.S. support for a lesser known third Cambodian political and military force, a coalition of the ANS, run by Norodom Sihanouk, and the Khmer People's National Liberation Front, known as the KPNLF and then run by Son Sann. Johns was one of the few Americans granted access to the Cambodian front lines of the ANS/KPNLF resistance, and he wrote supportably of the coalition, urging the U.S. to aid it in an effort to build a political and national security foundation that could provide Cambodia with a non-Communist, democratic political alternative.[24] During the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and after the nation's fall to the Taliban, Johns was a leading advocate of expanded support to the U.S.-aligned mujahideen faction led by Ahmad Shah Massoud.[25]

1990s

Johns has advocated expanded U.S. humanitarian engagement in Africa, claiming that the magnitude of the crises facing that continent warrant U.S. assistance and humanitarian aid. He was a critic of Mengistu Haile Mariam's handling of the Ethiopian famine, alleging that the famine, which took over a million Ethiopian lives, was almost entirely a product of Mengistu's government-controlled agricultural policies and the Ethiopian leader's refusal to permit the free flow of foreign assistance.[26][27] In Sudan, immediately following Omar al-Bashir's rise to power, Johns strongly urged the George H. W. Bush administration to work with al-Bashir on regional security issues and to end the Sudanese Civil War by granting southern Sudan greater autonomy so that the region's predominantly Christian population could be granted exemption from Sudan's Islamic Sharia laws in a step toward ending the war.[28]

Johns was in Windhoek, Namibia for that country's first independent election, and was highly supportive of expanded economic and political liberalization on the continent.[29] He wrote for The Wall Street Journal that a stable and democratic Namibia was "critical for the strategic and economic composition of the region."[30] While many developing world economists blame Africa's poverty on the long-term effects of European colonialism and predict ongoing economic stagnation in Africa, Johns has been one of several prominent global affairs experts to challenge this argument, responding that Africa's future will be promising if post-colonial governments abandon statist and autocratic policies. This argument has won growing political advocates in recent years, including former U.S. Vice Presidential candidate Jack Kemp (R-NY) and U.S. Congressman Donald M. Payne (D-NJ), both who have written supportably of Johns' arguments in Investor's Business Daily and elsewhere.[31][32]

Johns also gained notoriety for his willingness to urge an end to South Africa's since disbanded policy of racial segregation, known as apartheid, at a time when other U.S. and European conservatives, fearing the rise of the South African Communist Party in a post-apartheid South Africa, were being criticized in the early 1990s for their silence on the issue. After Johns spoke on South Africa at the United Nations in New York City on November 27, 1990, during which he criticized the world body openly for continuing economic sanctions in ways that he said were hurting South Africa's black majority under the auspices of helping them, William F. Buckley, Jr. wrote in his December 27, 1990 Universal Press Syndicate column that Johns' appearance at the U.N. was influential and "did not meet with critical reception because Johns has for many years been a voluble critic of apartheid, so that it was not thought necessary to pass much time on the disavowalist rituals."[33] Buckley wrote: "Johns recited statistics that were not effectively challenged by the U.N. committee. He said that 'combined unemployment and underemployment figures for South Africa's black majority now stand at 47 percent, largely because South Africa—an export-driven economy—has been denied access to foreign markets.' He then went on to cite the latest Gallup poll addressed to South Africa's black majority: Do you oppose sanctions as a means for ending apartheid? Opposed: 82 percent."[33]

Johns was an early and vocal advocate for enhanced U.S. engagement in the Persian Gulf. Less than a year before Saddam Hussein's 1990 invasion of Kuwait and the ensuing Gulf War, he warned that the likelihood for strategically threatening conflict in the Gulf region made it important for the U.S. to encourage political stability in Somalia and to maintain U.S. access to the airbases and seaports of Berbera and Mogadishu.[34] Several days following Saddam's invasion and occupation of Kuwait, he was among the first to articulate the neoconservative principle that the Iraqi occupation was such a globally destabilizing event that it required all nations of the world (including the former Soviet Union) to choose sides in the conflict, standing with the U.S. in its efforts to dislodge Iraqi forces from Kuwait or to be seen, in the eyes of U.S. foreign policy, as siding with America's enemies. "In this critical moment in the evolution of post-Cold War geopolitics," Johns wrote, "Moscow must decide: Is it committed to roiling troubled waters or is it ready to work with the West in opposing aggressors like Saddam Hussein?"[35] This ideology in the U.S.-led war on terror contributed to the creation of coalitions of the willing and ultimately evolved into one of the principle foundations for the Bush Doctrine.

Following the Cold War's end, Johns helped advance pro-active American engagement in the post-Cold War world, running U.S. government-funded international economic and political development programs in post-Gulf War Kuwait, Turkey and other nations.[36] While Johns was one of the first and most adamant American advocates for U.S. aid to anti-communist resistance movements in their military uprisings against Soviet-backed governments during the Cold War, he also was quick to encourage U.S. restraint once they ceased being superpower conflicts. In March 1991, with the Cold War nearly over, Johns told The New York Times that the U.S. State Department's repeated denunciations of Muammar al-Gaddafi and threats of military conflict with the Libyan leader were becoming monotonous and counterproductive and the U.S. would be better served by simply developing "policies to curb his power projection."[37]

Throughout the 1990s, he was a critic of several components of the Clinton administration's foreign policy. As the United Nations, with support from the Clinton administration, began repatriating Thailand-based Hmong veterans from Vietnam's "Secret War" to Laos, Johns was one of several influential opponents of the policy, labeling the repatriation a "betrayal."[38] Johns' position on the issue drew support, and the U.N. repatriation ultimately was halted. Tens of thousands of Hmong refugees at Wat Tham Krabok and various Thailand refugee camps subsequently were afforded expedited United States immigration rights.[39] Johns also criticized the Clinton administration's alleged neglect of Afghanistan, which he argues facilitated the rise of the Taliban in that nation.[25] However, when Clinton's decision to participate in a NATO intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina drew criticism, Johns defended the Clinton decision, arguing that the conflict was a defining moment for U.S. engagement in Europe and that ignoring Serbian ethnic genocide against Muslim Bosniaks would prove permanently damaging to U.S. human rights credibility in the Arab world.[40][41]

In the late 1990s, Johns was one of several U.S. conservatives who successfully urged the Clinton administration to reverse the U.S. government's long-standing policy of officially denying the existence of the CIA-supported covert "Secret War" in Laos and to honor the thousands of Hmong who provided support to U.S. air and ground combat operations against the North Vietnamese Army and Việt Cộng during the Vietnam War. On May 15, 1997, in a major reversal of the long-standing U.S. policy of denying the Secret War's existence, the U.S. government officially acknowledged it, recognizing the Hmong's contributions to the U.S. war effort with the opening of the Laos Memorial, which was dedicated and opened in Arlington National Cemetery between the John F. Kennedy Eternal Flame and the Tomb of the Unknowns.[38]

2000s

Johns was a proponent of many of the policies of President George W. Bush, and defended the Bush administration's military engagement in Iraq. "The Iraq War has become the epicenter in the global war against terrorism, and the outcome in Iraq will ultimately be a key factor in determining whether September 11, 2001 was the beginning of the end for al-Qaeda, or whether, conversely, it was just the beginning of an era of global terror that grows in both scope and duration," Johns wrote in a May 4, 2007 essay opposing a timetable for the withdrawal of American forces from Iraq.[42]

Johns also challenged the allegations of some of Bush's harshest critics that the Bush administration consciously misrepresented U.S. intelligence findings on Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction to justify the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Johns responded that numerous Clinton administration officials, including Vice President Al Gore and National Security Advisor Sandy Berger, cited nearly identical intelligence conclusions regarding Saddam's possession of weapons of mass destruction in justifying Clinton's four-day 1998 bombing of Iraq, known as "Operation Desert Fox." Johns represents that the Clinton administration's nearly identical intelligence findings regarding Saddam's harboring of chemical and biological weapons is evidence that the Bush administration acted in good faith, and probably was technically correct, in alleging that Saddam was in possession of these weapons when the war was launched in 2003.[42]

"It's certainly an extremely reasonable conclusion that Saddam's political maneuvering around United Nations-ordered inspections, which ultimately invited this war, were not designed to hide nothing," Johns argued in May 2007.[42]

Johns is one of several U.S. conservatives and other political leaders who, since the September 11, 2001 attacks, have criticized the U.S. news media's policy not to rebroadcast footage of the September 11 attack on the World Trade Center because some viewers found the footage unsettling. Johns has countered that the U.S. runs the risk of forgetting the magnitude of the September 11 attacks "because some components of our modern culture seem to want us to forget." And "we should be unsettled. We need to be unsettled."[42]

Johns has been an advocate for revisions to current U.S. energy policy, arguing that, while alternative energy sources such as ethanol may hold long-term usefulness in meeting some or all U.S. energy needs, U.S. access to petroleum is essential in the meantime and too little is being done to address this need, especially given vastly increased petroleum consumption in China and India. He has supported the relaxation of some U.S. energy regulations, including simplifying federal and state regulations that currently govern gasoline's formulated and unformulated contents, which the petroleum industry has said raise the cost of gasoline's production. Like other conservatives, he also has advocated expanding the U.S. oil supply by eliminating several federal and state regulations that currently prohibit petroleum drilling in various U.S. coastal waters and in the oil-rich portion of Alaska's Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, known as ANWR.[43]

Johns is one of several national leaders of the U.S. Tea Party movement[44][45] in opposition to high federal taxes, increased federal spending in the 2009 federal stimulus legislation and elsewhere, and a perceived growth in powers assumed by the U.S. federal government that Johns and other Tea Party leaders allege are violations of the U.S. Constitution's 10th Amendment. In April 2009, Johns was a featured speaker at three of the nation's largest Tea Party rallies to date, held in Boston, New York City and Philadelphia.[46][47][48] After President Obama acknowledged the Tea Party movement in an April 29, 2009 speech in Arnold, Missouri, saying, "Let me just remind them that I am happy to have a serious conversation about how we are going to cut our health care costs down over the long term, how we're going to stabilize Social Security," Johns was one of 18 national Tea Party leaders who signed a letter to Obama urging him to hold such a discussion.[49] On July 3 and 4, 2009, Johns was a featured speaker at Independence Day Tea Party events in Dallas,[50][51] Summit, New Jersey, and Washington, D.C.[52][53] On August 22, 2009, he was the headline speaker at the Congressional Recess rally against Democrat-sponsored health care legislation, held outside the Wilshire Boulevard offices of the legislation's primary sponsor, Henry Waxman, in Los Angeles.[54]

In 2009, in multiple speeches he delivered to Tea Party members,[55][56][57][58][59] Johns urged Obama to settle questions related to his Constitutional eligibility and to cease concealing his original birth, citizenship and academic records.[60] In a January 25, 2010 interview with Katie Couric of CBS News, he argued that federal legislation that had expanded government-ensured mortgage programs had been a contributing factor to the United States housing bubble and subprime mortgage crisis. He also averred that if the [investment] banks, i.e. Goldman Sachs, had better means to communicate with the government officials during years which led to the collapse of financial industry, they [banks] would have been better positioned to express their concerns regarding regulatory rules which impeded the financial institutions to deal with the impending crisis.[61]

Federal government roles

Johns has worked closely with leading American conservatives and moderates in support of numerous domestic and foreign policy initiatives. He also has served in several senior U.S. federal governmental capacities, including both houses of the United States Congress and the White House. In the U.S. Congress, Johns began his career in the U.S. House of Representatives as a Lyndon Baines Johnson fellow with Congressman Donald L. Ritter, a conservative Republican from Pennsylvania. He later served in the U.S. Senate as a senior aide to U.S. Senator Olympia Snowe, an influential moderate Republican from Maine, who Time magazine named one of the top 10 U.S. Senators in 2006.[62]

Johns was a senior aide to New Jersey Governor Thomas Kean immediately prior to Kean's appointment by President George W. Bush as Chairman of the 9/11 Commission. He also was a White House speechwriter to President of the United States George H. W. Bush.[63]

In the George H. W. Bush White House, Johns was one of several senior Bush aides who helped define and advocate some of the policies that have come to be known as "compassionate conservatism," focusing on outreach to low and middle-income Americans and nontraditional Republican constituencies. In a June 2007 interview, he echoed a similar theme, saying: "the American dream is a great concept, but it's just that—a dream—if it doesn't touch people's lives in tangible ways."[64] In his federal and state government capacities, Johns has worked exclusively with Republicans, but he also has been a staunch critic of what he sees as excessive partisanship in American politics, which he says is precluding greater national unity on critical national issues.[65] He has been praised for his ability to "position conservative ideas in ways that appeal to American moderates and sometimes even liberals."[64]

Author and writer

Johns is the author of one book, U.S. and Africa Statistical Handbook (ISBN 0-891-95228-4) (The Heritage Foundation, 1990, second edition, 1991),[66] and a contributing author to two others, Freedom in the World: The Annual Guide of Political Rights and Civil Liberties (Freedom House, 1993)[67] and Finding Our Roots, Facing Our Future: America in the 21st century (Madison Books, 1997).

Johns is also a global market and stock columnist for the Wall Street newsletter Seeking Alpha. In his May 7, 2007 column, Johns correctly predicted that global demand for petroleum was increasing at such a rate that the price per barrel, then selling at $65 per barrel, was likely to reach $100 per barrel before the end of 2007. In the column, Johns wrote: "With light sweet crude futures for June currently priced at roughly $65 a barrel, an ambitious short and long-term energy policy that enhances supply becomes important if, for no other reason, than the fact that, at $100 a barrel, the impact on this economy and the American people would be hugely painful. And in such a scenario, which could yet emerge this year or next, ethanol will not be this nation's salvation."[68] U.S. oil futures increased steadily from there, surpassing the $100 a barrel mark eight months later, on January 2, 2008.[69]

Johns appears on national and local television and radio, usually representing conservative and Republican-leaning views on public policy and politics. He is a regular guest on several Sirius Satellite Radio shows, including the late Ron Silver's Indie Talk show.[70][71]

Personal

Johns resides currently in Deptford, New Jersey[45][72] and Emmaus, Pennsylvania.

Career

External links

Notes

  1. ^ a b "Michael Johns at Notable Names Database, accessed September 7, 2007". Nndb.com. September 30, 1995. http://www.nndb.com/people/884/000049737/. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  2. ^ Hill, Kimberly (September 12, 2001). "Customer Concerns Mount in Tragedy Aftermath". Customer Relations Management. http://www.crm-daily.com/perl/story/13481.html. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  3. ^ ""Gentiva Makes $415 Million Deal,"". Newsday. Highbeam.com. January 3, 2002. http://www.highbeam.com/doc.aspx?DOCID=1P1:49300425&num=37&ctrlInfo=Round20%3AMode20e%3ADocG%3AResult&ao=. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  4. ^ ""Rascal Insurance Services Profile". Rehab Management Magazine. September 29, 2004. http://www.prleap.com/pr/1324/. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  5. ^ Johns, Michael (July 2009). "Here's how Part B can save Medicare". Hmenews.com. http://www.hmenews.com/?p=article&id=hm200907iAIG9M. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  6. ^ United States Department of Health and Human Services, Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, Washington, D.C., September 13, 2005, with Michael Johns challenging unclear HHS clinical qualifications and medical documentation requirements required by Medicare for Medicare patients requiring power wheelchairs for ambulation, pp. 30–31 of 57.
  7. ^ Michael Johns at Advisory Board Members, InvesTrend.[dead link]
  8. ^ Means, Howard (November 17, 1987). "Cite Soviets' Dark Side While Holding U.S. to High Standards". The Orlando Sentinel. http://articles.orlandosentinel.com/1987-11-17/news/0160160268_1_soviet-union-soviet-tanks-evil-empire. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  9. ^ ""Report Card: Civil Rights in Soviet Union". National Review. Highbeam.com. January 22, 1988. http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1G1-6284431.html. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  10. ^ "Report Card: Civil Rights in Soviet Union". National Review, January 22, 1988.][dead link]
  11. ^ a b ""Savimbi's Elusive Victory in Angola," by Michael Johns, ''Congressional Record'', United States House of Representatives, October 26, 1989". Thomas.loc.gov. October 26, 1989. http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?r101:E26OC9-320:. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  12. ^ "Cambodia at a Crossroads," Johns, Michael The World and I, February 1988.][dead link]
  13. ^ Johns, Michael (February 23, 1989). "A U.S. Strategy to Foster Human Rights in Ethiopia". Heritage Foundation Backgrounder. Policyarchive.org. https://www.policyarchive.org/handle/10207/11339. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  14. ^ "Let's Not Forget Laos." by Michael Johns, The World and I magazine, September 1995.[dead link]
  15. ^ Scissors, Derek (July 31, 1990). "With Freedom Near in Angola, This is No Time to Curtail UNITA Assistance". Heritage Foundation Executive Memorandum No. 276,. Heritage Foundation. http://www.heritage.org/Research/Africa/EM276.cfm. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  16. ^ Johns, Michael, as entered in ''Congressional Record'', United States House of Representatives (October 16, 1990). "With Freedom Near in Angola, This is No Time to Curtail UNITA Assistance". Thomas.loc.gov. http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?r101:E16OC0-475:. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  17. ^ David Aaronovitch (June 8, 2004). "The Terrible Legacy of the Reagan Years". The Guardian. UK. http://www.guardian.co.uk/usa/story/0,,1233816,00.html. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  18. ^ Scissors, Derek (February 5, 1990). "Angola: Testing Gorbachev's New Thinking". Heritage Foundation Executive Memorandum No. 259,. Heritage Foundation. http://www.heritage.org/Research/Africa/EM259.cfm. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  19. ^ "Filling the Holes in the Deal" by Michael Johns, The World and I magazine, February 1989.[dead link]
  20. ^ "Honduras Sleeps with One Eye Open" by Michael Johns, The World and I magazine, July 1988.[dead link]
  21. ^ "Shultz to Visit Central America on Faltering Talks". New York Times. June 19, 1988. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=950DE1D61730F93AA25755C0A96E948260. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  22. ^ "For the Record". The Washington Post. Highbeam.com. August 4, 1988. http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P2-1271550.html. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  23. ^ ""The Contras' Valley Forge: How I View the Nicaraguan Crisis," by Enrique Bermúdez (with Michael Johns), ''Policy Review'' magazine, Summer 1988". Mpr.co.uk. http://www.mpr.co.uk/scripts/sweb.dll/li_archive_item?method=GET&object=POLR_1988_45_SUMMER. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  24. ^ "Cambodia at a Crossroads," by Michael Johns, The World and I magazine, February 1988.[dead link]
  25. ^ a b Johns, Michael (January 19, 2008). ""Charlie Wilson's War Was Really America's War," by Michael Johns, January 19, 2008". Michaeljohnsonfreedomandprosperity.blogspot.com. http://michaeljohnsonfreedomandprosperity.blogspot.com/2008/01/charlie-wilsons-war-was-really-americas.html. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  26. ^ Scissors, Derek (February 23, 1989). "A U.S. Strategy to Foster Human Rights in Ethiopia". Heritage Foundation Foundation Backgrounder No. 692. Heritage Foundation Heritage. http://www.heritage.org/research/MiddleEast/bg692.cfm. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  27. ^ "Michael Johns cited in "Ethiopian Regime Looks West for Helping Hand". The Christian Science Monitor. May 16, 1989.. http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.african/msg/46678ec0cc12b1e?output=gplain. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  28. ^ Scissors, Derek (July 28, 1989). ""A Cautious Welcome for Sudan's New Government". Heritage Foundation Executive Memorandum No. 245. Heritage.org. http://www.heritage.org/Research/MiddleEast/EM245.cfm. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  29. ^ "The Winds of Democracy," by Michael Johns, The World and I magazine, August 1990.[dead link]
  30. ^ ""Namibian Voters Deny Total Power to SWAPO," by Michael Johns, ''The Wall Street Journal'', November 21, 1989, as entered in ''Congressional Record'', United States House of Representatives, December 11, 1989". Thomas.loc.gov. http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?r101:E11DE9-213:. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  31. ^ "Africa is getting on the growth track," by Jack Kemp and Representative Donald M. Payne, Investor's Business Daily, June 20, 1997.[dead link]
  32. ^ "Is Africa awakening?" by Jack Kemp and Representative Donald M. Payne, Investor's Business Daily, June 20, 1997.[dead link]
  33. ^ a b "Where to Go in South Africa," by William F. Buckley, Jr., Universal Press Syndicate, December 27, 1990.
  34. ^ Johns, Michael (December 26, 1989). ""Preserving American Security Ties to Somalia". Heritage Foundation Backgrounder No. 745. Netnomad.com. http://www.netnomad.com/heritage.html. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  35. ^ "Bush to Gorbachev: Choose Between Saddam and the West". Kosminsky, Jay P.; Johns, Michael |work=Heritage Foundation Executive Memorandum No. 280 |date=August 30, 1990.][dead link]
  36. ^ "Michael Johns and International Republican Institute at Notable Names Database". Nndb.com. http://www.nndb.com/org/683/000051530/. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  37. ^ "Qaddafi Plays Quietly, but He's Still in the Game". New York Times. March 17, 1991. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9D0CE7D91F3AF934A25750C0A967958260. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  38. ^ a b "Acts of Betrayal" by Michael Johns, National Review, October 23, 1995.[dead link]
  39. ^ "Long Wait is Over: Hmong from Wat Tham Krabok Begin Arriving in U.S." United States Department of State, Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration, July 23, 2004.[dead link]
  40. ^ a b Johns, Michael (February 25, 1994). ""If U.S. Force Is Needed in Bosnia"". The Christian Science Monitor. http://www.csmonitor.com/1994/0225/25231.html. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  41. ^ "How to Save Bosnia," by Michael Johns, The World and I magazine, July 1994.[dead link]
  42. ^ a b c d "One Iraq Option Only: Victory", by Michael Johns, May 4, 2007.
  43. ^ Johns, Michael (April 30, 2007). "It's Still About Oil". Michael Johns's blog. http://michaeljohnsonfreedomandprosperity.blogspot.com/2007/04/its-still-about-oil.html. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  44. ^ "The National Leadership Team". Nationwide Tea Party Coalition. http://www.nationwidechicagoteaparty.com/about.php. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  45. ^ a b Different cup of tea", The Gloucester County Times, February 24, 2010.
  46. ^ "Speech by Michael Johns to Boston Tea Party, Boston Common, Boston, Massachusetts, April 15, 2009". Tea Party Boston 2009. April 21, 2009. http://teapartyboston2009.blogspot.com/2009/04/michael-johns-boston-tea-party-2009.html. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  47. ^ om een reactie te plaatsen! (April 18, 2009). "Speech by Michael Johns to New York City Tea Party, City Hall, New York City, April 15, 2009". Youtube. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wUdbzqA3aG4&feature=PlayList&p=F4C2BA4C3F339A02&index=0. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  48. ^ om een reactie te plaatsen!. "Speech by Michael Johns to Philadelphia Tea Party, Independence Mall, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, April 18, 2009". Youtube. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dwaC6NbEdoo. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  49. ^ ""Nationwide Tea Party Leaders Call on Obama to Live Up to Meeting Promise," MarketWatch, May 1, 2009". Marketwatch.com. October 18, 2011. http://www.marketwatch.com/news/story/nationwide-tea-party-leaders-call/story.aspx?guid=%7B0ED2E5A7-821D-441E-9F99-6FFB175F4048%7D&dist=msr_1. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  50. ^ om een reactie te plaatsen!. "Michael Johns speech to Dallas Tea Party, Southfork Ranch, Plano, Texas, July 4, 2009, Part 2 of 3". Youtube. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QBDD4IpKRxY&feature=channel_page. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  51. ^ om een reactie te plaatsen! (July 6, 2009). "Michael Johns speech to Dallas Tea Party, Southfork Ranch, Plano, Texas, July 4, 2009, Part 3 of 3". Youtube. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Xb2_OtUEY-c&feature=related. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  52. ^ om een reactie te plaatsen!. "Michael Johns speech to Independence Day Tea Party, U.S. Capitol, Washington, D.C., July 4, 2009, Part 2 of 2". Youtube. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hndh_B98S-Q&feature=PlayList&p=F4C2BA4C3F339A02&index=1. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  53. ^ Johns, Michael (July 1, 2009). ""Michael Johns Addresses Independence Day Tea Parties in New Jersey, Texas and Washington, D.C.," July 1, 2009". Michaeljohnsonfreedomandprosperity.blogspot.com. http://michaeljohnsonfreedomandprosperity.blogspot.com/2009/07/michael-johns-to-address-three.html. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  54. ^ Johns, Michael (August 21, 2009). ""Michael Johns to Address Los Angeles Recess Rally," August 21, 2009". Michaeljohnsonfreedomandprosperity.blogspot.com. http://michaeljohnsonfreedomandprosperity.blogspot.com/2009/08/michael-johns-to-address-los-angeles.html. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  55. ^ om een reactie te plaatsen!. ""Michael Johns Washington DC Tea Party July 4th 2009 Part 2," July 4, 2009". Youtube. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hndh_B98S-Q. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  56. ^ om een reactie te plaatsen! (July 7, 2009). ""Michael Johns, National tea party leader Part 2 of 2," July 4, 2009". Youtube. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-8a7zYILU34. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  57. ^ om een reactie te plaatsen!. ""Washington D.C Tea Party, Michael Johns, Part 2," July 4, 2009". Youtube. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IgcQo9xjfec. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  58. ^ om een reactie te plaatsen!. ""Michael Johns Part 2," July 4, 2009". Youtube. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QBDD4IpKRxY. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  59. ^ om een reactie te plaatsen! (September 15, 2009). ""quincy 912 30 Michael Johns," September 24, 2009". Youtube. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IEjkI-nn8Wk. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  60. ^ Johns, Michael (September 24, 2009). "Release the Birth Documents". Michael Johns' blog. http://michaeljohnsonfreedomandprosperity.blogspot.com/2009/09/release-birth-documents.html. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  61. ^ "Katie Couric interviews Tea Party leaders". CBS News. January 25, 2010. http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-503544_162-12030-503544.html. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  62. ^ Friday, Apr. 14, 2006 (April 14, 2006). "Olympia J. Snowe: The Caretaker". Time. http://www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,1183967,00.html. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  63. ^ "Michael Johns at the Notable Names Database". Nndb.com. September 30, 1995. http://www.nndb.com/people/884/000049737/. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  64. ^ a b "Michael Johns: Former White House Speechwriter," by Tad Lichtenauer, Cross & Crescent, June 2007.[dead link]
  65. ^ "Michael Johns national radio interview with ''The Bottom Line'', Episode 8, 2007". Bottomlineryan.com. http://www.bottomlineryan.com/index-3.html. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  66. ^ a b Michael Johns (1991). "U.S. and Africa Statistical Handbook". Openlibrary.org. http://openlibrary.org/b/OL11296208M. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  67. ^ a b "''Finding Our Roots, Facing Our Future: America in the 21st century'', with chapter contributions by Michael Johns, et al., Madison Books, Lanham, Maryland, 1997". Amazon.com. http://www.amazon.com/dp/1568330928. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  68. ^ "America's 'Energy Policy': It's Still About Oil", by Michael Johns, Seeking Alpha, May 7, 2007.
  69. ^ By Steve Hargreaves, CNNMoney.com staff writer (January 2, 2008). "Oil Kicks Off Year By Hitting $100: Violence in Nigeria, supply disruption in Mexico and the prospect of another drop in U.S. inventories and more rate cuts drive crude to triple digits". CNN. http://money.cnn.com/2008/01/02/markets/oil/index.htm. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  70. ^ Johns, Michael (April 16, 2008). "Michael Johns to Discuss His Support for McCain Economic Plan". Michael Johns blog. http://michaeljohnsonfreedomandprosperity.blogspot.com/2008/04/michael-johns-to-discuss-his-support.html. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  71. ^ Johns, Michael (May 19, 2008). "Michael Johns to Speak on 'America, 2013". Michael Johns blog. http://michaeljohnsonfreedomandprosperity.blogspot.com/2008/05/michael-johns-to-speak-on-america-2013.html. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  72. ^ ""About Deptford"". National Relocation.com. http://rentals.nationalrelocation.com/New%20Jersey/Deptford/. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  73. ^ "Rascal Insurance Services Presents at National Multiple Sclerosis Society Annual Meeting," November 29, 2005.[dead link]
  74. ^ 7:55 pm EST (November 3, 2011). "Gentiva Health Services, Long Island, New York, at Yahoo Finance". Finance.yahoo.com. http://finance.yahoo.com/q?s=gtiv. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  75. ^ 6:10 pm EST. "Eli Lilly and Company, Indianapolis, at Yahoo Finance". Finance.yahoo.com. http://finance.yahoo.com/q?s=LLY. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  76. ^ "International Republican Institute at Notable Names Database". Nndb.com. http://www.nndb.com/org/683/000051530/. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  77. ^ "''Policy Review'' magazine at Notable Names Database". Nndb.com. http://www.nndb.com/magazine/978/000050828/. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  78. ^ Michael Johns at Financial Wire.[dead link]
  79. ^ Johns, Michael (November 19, 1989). "Namibian Voters Deny Total Power to SWAPO". The Wall Street Journal. Thomas.loc.gov. http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?r101:E11DE9-213:. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  80. ^ "Acts of Betrayal". by Michael Johns, National Review, October 23, 1995.[dead link]
  81. ^ ""Katie Couric interviews Tea Party leaders," CBS News, January 25, 2010". Cbsnews.com. January 25, 2010. http://www.cbsnews.com/blogs/2010/01/25/politics/politicalhotsheet/entry6140062.shtml?tag=contentMain;contentBody. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  82. ^ "National television appearances by Michael Johns at C-SPAN". C-spanarchives.org. http://www.c-spanarchives.org/person/15696. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 
  83. ^ "Iron Arrow Honor Society at Notable Names Database". Nndb.com. http://www.nndb.com/org/483/000056315/. Retrieved November 14, 2011. 

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