History of the United States (1964–1980)

History of the United States (1964–1980)
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The history of the United States from 1964 through 1980 includes the climax and collapse of the African American Civil Rights Movement; the escalation and ending of the Vietnam War; the drama of a generational revolt with its sexual freedoms and use of drugs; and the continuation of the Cold War, with its Space Race to put a man on the Moon. The economy was prosperous until the early 1970s, then faltered under new foreign competition and high oil prices. By 1980 and the seizure of the American Embassy in Iran, there was a growing sense of national malaise. This period is closed by the victory of conservative Republican Ronald Reagan, opening the "Age of Reagan" with a dramatic change in national direction.

Memories of the 1960s shaped the political landscape for the next half-century. As Bill Clinton explained in 2004, "If you look back on the Sixties and think there was more good than bad, you're probably a Democrat. If you think there was more harm than good, you're probably a Republican."[1]


Climax of liberalism

The climax of liberalism came in the mid-1960s with the success of President Lyndon B. Johnson (1963–69) in securing congressional passage of his Great Society programs, including civil rights, the end of segregation, Medicare, extension of welfare, federal aid to education at all levels, subsidies for the arts and humanities, environmental activism, and a series of programs designed to wipe out poverty.[2][3] As recent historians have explained:

"Gradually, liberal intellectuals crafted a new vision for achieving economic and social justice. The liberalism of the early 1960s contained no hint of radicalism, little disposition to revive new deal era crusades against concentrated economic power, and no intention to fast and class passions or redistribute wealth or restructure existing institutions. Internationally it was strongly anti-Communist. It aimed to defend the free world, to encourage economic growth at home, and to ensure that the resulting plenty was fairly distributed. Their agenda-much influenced by Keynesian economic theory-envisioned massive public expenditure that would speed economic growth, thus providing the public resources to fund larger welfare, housing, health, and educational programs."[4]

Johnson was rewarded with an electoral landslide in 1964 against conservative Barry Goldwater, which broke the decades-long control of Congress by the Conservative coalition. But the Republicans bounced back in 1966, and Republicans elected Richard Nixon in 1968. Nixon largely continued the New Deal and Great Society programs he inherited; conservative reaction would come with the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980.[5]

Civil rights

The 1960s were marked by street protests, demonstrations, rioting, civil unrest,[6] antiwar protests, and a cultural revolution.[7] African-American youth protested following victories in the courts regarding civil rights with street protests led by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. as well as the NAACP.[8] King skillfully used the media to record instances of brutality against non-violent African-American protesters to tug at the conscience of the public. Activism brought about successful political change when there was an aggrieved group, such as African-Americans or feminists or homosexuals, who felt the sting of bad policy over time, and who conducted long-range campaigns of protest together with media campaigns to change public opinion along with campaigns in the courts to change policy.

The assassination of Kennedy in 1963 helped change the political mood of the country. The new President, Lyndon B. Johnson, capitalized on this situation, using a combination of the national mood and his own political savvy to push Kennedy's agenda; most notably, the Civil Rights Act of 1964. In addition, the 1965 Voting Rights Act had an immediate impact on federal, state and local elections. Within months of its passage on August 6, 1965, one quarter of a million new black voters had been registered, one third by federal examiners. Within four years, voter registration in the South had more than doubled. In 1965, Mississippi had the highest black voter turnout, 74%, and had more elected black-leaders than any other state. In 1969, Tennessee had a 92.1% voter turnout, Arkansas 77.9%, and Texas 77.3%.

Election of 1964

Electoral College 1964

In the election of 1964, Lyndon Johnson positioned himself as a moderate, contrasting himself against his GOP opponent, Barry Goldwater, who the campaign characterized as hardline right-wing. Most famously, the Johnson campaign ran a commercial entitled the "Daisy Girl" ad, which featured a little girl picking petals from a daisy in a field, counting the petals, which then segues into a launch countdown and a nuclear explosion. Johnson soundly defeated Goldwater in the general election, winning 64.9% of the popular vote, and losing only five states in the Deep South, where blacks were not yet allowed to vote, along with Goldwater's Arizona.

Goldwater's race energized the conservative movement, chiefly inside the Republican party. It looked for a new leader and found one in Ronald Reagan, elected governor of California in 1966 and reelected in 1970. He ran against President Ford for the 1976 GOP nomination, and narrowly lost, but the stage was set for Reagan in 1980.[9]

Anti-poverty programs

Two main goals of the Great Society social reforms were the elimination of poverty and racial injustice. New major spending programs that addressed education, medical care, urban problems, and transportation were launched during this period. The Great Society in scope and sweep resembled the New Deal domestic agenda of Franklin D. Roosevelt in the 1930s, but differed sharply in types of programs enacted.

The largest and most enduring federal assistance programs, launched in 1965, were Medicare, which pays for many of the medical costs of the elderly, and Medicaid, which aids poor people.

The centerpiece of the War on Poverty was the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, which created an Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) to oversee a variety of community-based antipoverty programs. The OEO reflected a fragile consensus among policymakers that the best way to deal with poverty was not simply to raise the incomes of the poor but to help them better themselves through education, job training, and community development. Central to its mission was the idea of "community action", the participation of the poor in framing and administering the programs designed to help them.

Generational revolt and counterculture

As the 1960s progressed, increasing numbers of young people began to revolt against the social norms and conservatism from the 1950s and early 1960s as well as the escalation of the Vietnam War and Cold War. A social revolution swept through the country to create a more liberated society. As the Civil Rights Movement progressed, feminism and environmentalism movements soon grew in the midst of a Sexual Revolution with its distinctive protest forms, from long hair to rock music. The Hippie culture, which emphasized peace, love and freedom, was introduced to the mainstream. In 1967, the Summer of Love, an event in San Francisco where thousands of young people loosely and freely united for a new social experience, helped introduce much of the world to the culture. In addition, the increase use of psychedelic drugs, such as LSD and marijuana, also became central to the movement. Music of the time also played a large role with the introduction of folk rock and later Acid Rock and Psychedelia which became the voice of the generation. The Counterculture Revolution was exemplified in 1969 with the historic Woodstock Festival..

Conclusion of the Space Race

Buzz Aldrin on the Moon, 1969

Beginning with the Soviet launch of the first satellite, Sputnik 1, in 1957, the United States competed with the Soviet Union for supremacy in outer space exploration. After the Soviets placed the first man in space, Yuri Gagarin, in 1961, President John F. Kennedy pushed for ways in which NASA could catch up,[10] famously urging action a manned mission to the Moon: "I believe that this nation should commit itself to achieving the goal, before this decade is out, of landing a man on the moon and returning him safely to the earth."[11] The first manned flights produced by this effort came from Project Gemini (1965–1966) and then by the Apollo program, which despite the tragic loss of the Apollo 1 crew, achieved Kennedy's goal by landing the first astronauts on the Moon with the Apollo 11 mission in 1969.

Having lost the race to the Moon, the Soviets shifted their attention to orbital space stations, launching the first (Salyut 1) in 1971. The U.S. responded with the Skylab orbital workstation, in use from 1973 through 1974. With détente, a time of relatively improved Cold War relations between the United States and the Soviets, the two superpowers developed a cooperative space mission: the Apollo–Soyuz Test Project. This 1975 joint mission was the last manned space flight for the U.S. until the Space Shuttle flights of 1981 and has been described as the symbolic end of the Space Race. The Space Race sparked unprecedented increases in spending on education and pure research, which accelerated scientific advancements and led to beneficial spin-off technologies.

Vietnam War

The Containment policy meant fighting communist expansion where ever it occurred, and the Communist picked where the American allies were weakest. Johnson's primary commitment was to his domestic policy, so he tried to minimize public awareness and congressional oversight of the operations in the war.[12] Most of his advisers were pessimistic about the long run possibilities, and Johnson feared that if Congress took control, it would demand "Why Not Victory", as Barry Goldwater put it, rather than containment.[13] Although American involvement steadily increased, Johnson refused to allow the reserves or the National Guard to serve in Vietnam, because that would involve congressional oversight. In August 1964 Johnson secured almost unanimous support in Congress for the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, which gave the president very broad discretion to use military force as he saw fit. In February 1968 the Viet Cong launched an all-out attack on South Vietnamese forces across the country in the Tet Offensive. The ARVN (South Vietnam's army) successfully fought off the attacks and reduce the Viet Cong to a state of ineffectiveness; thereafter, it was the army of North Vietnam that was the main opponent.[14] However the Tet Offensive proved a public relations disaster for Johnson, as the public increasingly realized the United States was deeply involved in a war that few people understood. Republicans, such as California Governor Ronald Reagan, demanded victory or withdrawal, while on the left strident demands for immediate withdrawal escalated.[15]

Antiwar movement

A photograph of civilians killed in the My Lai massacre.

Starting in 1964, the antiwar movement began. Some opposed the war on moral grounds, rooting for the peasant Vietnamese against the modernizing capitalistic Americans. Opposition was centered among the black activists of the civil rights movement, and college students at elite universities.[16]

The Vietnam War was unprecedented for the intensity of media coverage—it has been called the first television war—as well as for the stridency of opposition to the war by the "New Left".

The divide between pro- and anti-war Americans continued long after the conclusion of the war and became another factor leading to the "culture wars" that increasingly divides Americans, continuing into the 21st century.

1968 and the breakup of the Democratic Party

In 1968, Johnson saw his overwhelming coalition in 1964 disintegrate. Liberal and moderate Republicans returned to their party, and supported Richard Nixon for the GOP nomination. George Wallace pulled off the majority of Southern whites, for a century the core of the Solid South in the Democratic Party. Increasingly, the blacks, students, and intellectuals were fiercely opposed to Johnson's policy. With Robert Kennedy hesitant about joining the contest, Minnesota Senator Eugene McCarthy, jumped in on an antiwar platform, building a coalition of intellectuals students, and if I were elements of the party. McCarthy was not nationally known, but came close to Johnson in the critical primary in New Hampshire, thanks to thousands of students who took off their counter-culture garb and go "clean for Gene" to go door-to-door. Johnson no longer commanded majority support in his party, so he took the initiative and dropped out of the race, promising to begin peace talks with the enemy.[17]

Seizing the opportunity caused by Johnson's departure from the race, Robert Kennedy then joined in and ran for the nomination on an antiwar platform that drew support from ethnics and blacks. Vice President Hubert Humphrey was too late to enter the primaries, but he did assemble strong support from traditional factions in the Democratic Party. Humphrey, an ardent New Dealer, supported Johnson's war policy. The greatest outburst of rioting in national history came in April 1968 following the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr..

Kennedy was on stage to claim victory over McCarthy in the California primary when he was assassinated; McCarthy was unable to overcome Humphrey's support within the party elite. The the Democratic national convention in Chicago was in a continuous uproar, with police confronting antiwar demonstrators in the streets and parks, and the bitter divisions of the Democratic Party revealing themselves inside the arena. Humphrey, with a coalition state organizations, city bosses such as Mayor Richard Daley, and labor unions won the nomination and ran against Republican Richard Nixon an independent George Wallace in the general election. Nixon appealed to what he claimed was the "silent majority" of moderate Americans who disliked the "hippie" counterculture. Nixon also promised "peace with honor" in ending the Vietnam War. He proposed the Nixon Doctrine to establish the strategy to turn over the fighting of the war to the Vietnamese, which he called "Vietnamization." Nixon won the presidency, but the Democrats continued to control Congress. The profound splits in the Democratic Party lasted for decades.[18]

The Nixon Administration

As President Richard Nixon adopted many liberal positions, especially regarding health care, welfare spending, environmentalism and support for the arts and humanities. He maintained the high taxes and strong economic regulations of the New Deal era. He intervened aggressively in the economy, taking the nation off the gold standard and (for a while) imposing price and wage controls.[19]

Nixon reoriented foreign policy away from containment and toward detente with both the Soviet Union and China, playing them off against each other. The detente policy with China is still the basic policy in the 21st century, while the Russians rejected detente and used American toleration to over-expand their operations in Latin America, Asia and Africa. Both Russia and China tolerated American policy in Vietnam, leaving their erstwhile ally North Vietnam stranded. Nixon promoted "Vietnamization," whereby the military of South Vietnam would be greatly enhanced so that U.S. forces could withdraw. The combat troops were gone by 1971 and Nixon could announce a peace treaty in 1973. His promises to Saigon that he would intervene if North Vietnam attacked were validated in 1972, but became worthless when he resigned in 1974. Despite having an elaborate military, South Vietnam was too corrupt and too lacking in self confidence to effectively resist the invasion by North Vietnam in 1975.

In May 1970 the antiwar effort escalated into violence, as National Guard troops shot at student demonstrators in the Kent State shootings. The nation's higher education system, especially the elite schools, virtually shut down.

Riding on high approval ratings, Nixon was re-elected in 1972, soundly defeating the liberal, anti-war George McGovern. At the same time, Nixon became a lightning rod for much public hostility regarding the war in Vietnam. The morality of conflict continued to be an issue, and incidents such as the My Lai massacre further eroded support for the war and increased efforts of Vietnamization.

The growing Watergate scandal was a major disaster for Nixon, eroding his political support in public opinion and in Washington. However he did manage to secure large-scale funding for South Vietnam, much of which was wasted.

The United States withdrew its troops from Vietnam before the Paris Peace Accords in 1973. In 1975 North Vietnam invaded with conventional army forces and quickly conquered the South. The U.S. was not involved in the fighting in 1975 but did evacuate many Vietnamese. Later nearly one million managed to flee to the U.S. as refugees. The impact on the U.S. was muted, with few political recriminations, but it did leave a "Vietnam Syndrome" that cautioned against further military interventions anywhere else. Nixon (and his next two successors Ford and Carter) had dropped the containment policy and were not willing to intervene anywhere.


At the same time that President Johnson persuaded Congress to accept a tax cut in 1964, he was rapidly increasing spending for both domestic programs and for the war in Vietnam. The result was a major expansion of the money supply, resting largely on government deficits, which pushed prices rapidly upward. However, inflation also rested on the nation's steadily declining supremacy in international trade and, moreover, the decline in the global economic, geopolitical, commercial, technological, and cultural preponderance of the United States since the end of World War II. After 1945, the U.S. enjoyed easy access to raw materials and substantial markets for its goods abroad; the U.S. was responsible for around a third of the world's industrial output because of the devastation of postwar Europe. By the 1960s, not only were the industrialized nations now competing for increasingly scarce raw commodities, but Third World suppliers were increasingly demanding higher prices. The automobile, steel, and electronics industries were also beginning to face stiff competition in the U.S. domestic market by foreign producers who had more modern factories (as Europe and Japan's industrial bases had been largely rebuilt from the ground up following WWII) and higher-quality products.

Nixon promised to tackle sluggish growth and inflation, known as "stagflation", through higher taxes and lower spending; this met stiff resistance in Congress. As a result, Nixon changed course and opted to control the currency; his appointees to the Federal Reserve sought a contraction of the money supply through higher interest rates but to little avail; the tight money policy did little to curb inflation. The cost of living rose a cumulative 15% during Nixon's first two years in office.

By the summer of 1971, Nixon was under strong public pressure to act decisively to reverse the economic tide. On August 15, 1971, he ended the convertibility of the U.S. dollar into gold, which meant the demise of the Bretton Woods system, in place since World War II. As a result, the U.S. dollar fell in world markets. The devaluation helped stimulate American exports, but it also made the purchase of vital inputs, raw materials, and finished goods from abroad more expensive. Also, on August 15, 1971, under the provisions of the Economic Stabilization Act of 1970, Nixon implemented "Phase I" of his economic plan: a ninety-day freeze on all wages and prices above their existing levels. In November, "Phase II" entailed mandatory guidelines for wage and price increases to be issued by a federal agency. Inflation subsided temporarily, but the recession continued with rising unemployment. To combat the recession, Nixon reversed course and adopted an expansionary monetary and fiscal policy. In "Phase III", the strict wage and price controls were lifted. As a result, inflation resumed its upward spiral.

Inflationary pressures led to key shifts in economic policies. Following the Great Depression of the 1930s, recessions—periods of slow economic growth and high unemployment—were viewed as the greatest of economic threats, which could be counteracted by heavy government spending or cutting taxes so that consumers would spend more. In the 1970s, major price increases, particularly for energy, created a strong fear of inflation; as a result, government leaders concentrated more on controlling inflation than on combating recession by limiting spending, resisting tax cuts, and reining in growth in the money supply.

The erratic economic programs of the Nixon administration were indicative of a broader national confusion about the prospects for future American prosperity. With little understanding of the international forces creating the economic problems, Nixon, American economists, and the public focused on immediate issues and short-term solutions. These underlying problems set the stage for conservative reaction, a more aggressive foreign policy, and a retreat from welfare-based solutions for minorities and the poor that would characterize the subsequent decades.

The Women's Movement (1963–1982)

Gloria Steinem at a meeting of the Women's Action Alliance, 1972.

A new consciousness of the inequality of American women began sweeping the nation, starting with the 1963 publication of Betty Friedan's best-seller, The Feminine Mystique, which explained how many housewives felt trapped and unfulfilled, assaulted American culture for its creation of the notion that women could only find fulfillment through their roles as wives, mothers, and keepers of the home, and argued that women were just as able as men to do every type of job. In 1966 Friedan and others established the National Organization for Women, or NOW, to act as an NAACP for women.[20][21]

Protests began, and the new "Women's Liberation Movement" grew in size and power, gained much media attention, and, by 1968, had replaced the Civil Rights Movement as the U.S.'s main social revolution. Marches, parades, rallies, boycotts, and pickets brought out thousands, sometimes millions; Friedan's Women's Strike for Equality (1970) was a nation-wide success. The Movement was split into factions by political ideology early on, however (NOW on the left, the Women's Equity Action League (WEAL) on the right, the National Women's Political Caucus (NWPC) in the center, and more radical groups formed by younger women on the far left).

Along with Friedan, Gloria Steinem was an important feminist leader, co-founding the NWPC, the Women's Action Alliance, and editing the Movement's magazine, Ms. The proposed Equal Rights Amendment to the Constitution, passed by Congress in 1972 and favored by about seventy percent of the American public, failed to be ratified in 1982, with only three more states needed to make it law. The nation's conservative women, led by activist Phyllis Schlafly, defeated the ERA by arguing that it degraded the position of the housewife, and made young women susceptible to the military draft.[22][23] The failure of the ERA effectively marked the end of the women's liberation movement.

However, many federal laws (i.e. those equalizing pay, employment, education, employment opportunites, credit, ending pregnancy discrimination, and requiring NASA, the Military Academies, and other organizations to admit women), state laws (i.e. those ending spousal abuse and marital rape), Supreme Court rulings (i.e. ruling the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment applied to women), and state ERAs established women's equal status under the law, and social custom and consciousness began to change, accepting women's equality.


Abortion became a highly controversial issue with the Supreme Court decision in Roe v. Wade in 1973 that women have a constitutional right to choose an abortion, and that cannot be nullified by state laws. Feminists celebrated the decisions but Catholics, who had opposed abortion since the 1890s, formed a coalition with Evangelical Protestants (long the arch-foes of Catholics) to try to reverse the decision. The Republican party began taking anti-abortion positions as the Democrats announced in favor of choice (that is, allowing women the right to choose an abortion). The issue has inflamed state and national politics ever since.[24]

1973 oil crisis

Line at a gas station, June 15, 1979.

To make matters worse, the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) began displaying its strength; oil, fueling automobiles and homes in a country increasingly dominated by suburbs (where large homes and automobile-ownership are more common), became an economic and political tool for Third World nations to begin fighting for their concerns. Following the 1973 Yom Kippur War, Arab members of OPEC announced they would no longer ship petroleum to nations supporting Israel, that is, to the United States and Western Europe. At the same time, other OPEC nations agreed to raise their prices 400%. This resulted in the 1973 world oil shock, during which U.S. motorists faced long lines at gas stations. Public and private facilities closed down to save on heating oil; and factories cut production and laid off workers. No single factor than the oil embargo did more to produce the soaring inflation of the 1970s, though this event was part of a much larger energy crisis that characterized the decade.

The U.S. government response to the embargo was quick but of limited effectiveness. A national maximum speed limit of 55 mph (88 km/h) was imposed to help reduce consumption. President Nixon named William E. Simon as "Energy Czar", and in 1977, a cabinet-level Department of Energy was created, leading to the creation of the United States' Strategic Petroleum Reserve. The National Energy Act of 1978 was also a response to this crisis.

The federal government further exacerbated the recession by instilling price controls in the United States, which limited the price of "old oil" (that already discovered) while allowing newly discovered oil to be sold at a higher price, resulting in a withdrawal of old oil from the market and artificial scarcity. The rule had been intended to promote oil exploration. This scarcity was dealt with by rationing of gasoline (which occurred in many countries), with motorists facing long lines at gas stations.

In the U.S., under odd-even rationing, drivers of vehicles with license plates having an odd number as the last digit (or a vanity license plate) were allowed to purchase gasoline for their cars only on odd-numbered days of the month, while drivers of vehicles with even-numbered license plates were allowed to purchase fuel only on even-numbered days. The rule did not apply on the 31st day of those months containing 31 days.

Gas stations abandoned during the fuel crisis in the winter of 1973-74 were sometimes used for other purposes. This station at Potlatch, Washington, west of Olympia was turned into a religious meeting hall.

The crisis also prompted a call for individuals and businesses to conserve energy — most notably a campaign by the Advertising Council using the tag line "Don't Be Fuelish." Many newspapers carried full-page advertisements that featured cut-outs which could be attached to light switches that had the slogan "Last Out, Lights Out: Don't Be Fuelish" emblazoned thereon.

The U.S. "Big Three" automakers' first order of business after Corporate Average Fuel Economy (CAFE) standards were enacted was to downsize existing automobile categories. By the end of the 1970s, 121-inch wheelbase vehicles with a 4,500 pound GVW (gross weight) were a thing of the past. Before the mass production of automatic overdrive transmissions and electronic fuel injection, the traditional front engine/rear wheel drive layout was being phased out for the more efficient and/or integrated front engine/front wheel drive, starting with compact cars. Using the Volkswagen Rabbit as the archetype, much of Detroit went to front wheel drive after 1980 in response to CAFE's 27.5 mpg mandate. Vehicles such as the Ford Fairmont were short-lived in the early 1980s.

Though not required by legislation, the sport of auto racing voluntarily sought reductions. The 24 Hours of Daytona was canceled in 1974. Also in 1974, NASCAR reduced all race distances by 10%. At the Indianapolis 500, qualifying was reduced from four days down to two, and several days of practice were eliminated.

Détente with USSR

In 1972-1973, the superpowers sought each other's help. In February 1972, Nixon made a historic visit to Communist China. Relations with that country had been largely hostile since the Korean War, and the United States still maintained that the Nationalist regime in Taiwan was the legitimate government of China. There had been a number of diplomatic meetings with Chinese officials in Warsaw over the years however, and President Kennedy had planned to reestablish ties in his second term. However, his death, along with the Vietnam War and the Cultural Revolution caused any chance of normalized relations to disappear for the next several years. Nixon, once a staunch supporter of Chiang Kai-shek, came increasingly to believe in restoring relations with the Communist government by the late 1960s. In August 1971, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger made a secret trip to Beijing. The official visit by the president was a nationally televised event, and the US delegation met with Chairman Mao Zedong and other Chinese leaders. Restoring relations between China and the US was also an important matter of Cold War politics. Since the Soviet Union had become bitterly hostile to China since the Cultural Revolution, both nations decided that, regardless of political and ideological differences, the saying "the enemy of my enemy is my friend" held true. After the China trip, Nixon met Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev and signed the SALT Treaty in Vienna.

Détente had both strategic and economic benefits for both superpowers. Arms control enabled both superpowers to slow the spiraling increases in their bloated defense budgets. Before, the Johnson Administration failed to defeat Communist forces, his deficit-spending to sustain the war effort weakened the U.S. economy for decades to come, contributing to a decade of "stagflation." Meanwhile, the Soviets could neither stop bloody clashes between Soviet and Chinese troops along their common border nor bolster a Soviet economy declining, in part, because of heavy military expenditures. But the détente suffered amid outbreaks in the Middle East and Africa, especially southern and eastern Africa.


Nixon to Haldeman, heard on tapes ordered released for the trial of Haldeman, Ehrlichman and Mitchell: "I don't give a shit what happens. I want you all to stonewall it, let them plead the Fifth Amendment, cover up or anything else, if it'll save it, save this plan. That's the whole point. We're going to protect our people if we can."

In 1972, Nixon won the GOP nomination. The antiwar left now made him their primary enemy and the Democrats ran Massachusetts Senator George McGovern for president, but Nixon effectively took away any major issue he could run on by having ended the draft, began pulling out of Vietnam, and restored ties with China. McGovern was ridiculed as the candidate of "acid, amnesty, and abortion" and on Election Day, Nixon carried every state except Massachusetts for the most lopsided presidential election since 1820.

Nixon was investigated for the instigation and cover-up of the burglary of the Democratic Party offices at the Watergate office complex. The House of Representatives Judiciary Committee opened formal and public impeachment hearings against Nixon on May 9, 1974. Rather than face impeachment by the House of Representatives and a possible conviction by the Senate, he resigned, effective August 9, 1974. His successor, Gerald R. Ford, a moderate Republican, issued a pre-emptive pardon of Nixon, ending the investigations of him.

Ford Administration

Aware that he had not been elected to either the office of president or vice-president, Gerald Ford asked the American people to give him their support, saying "Our long national nightmare is over." His administration witnessed the final collapse of South Vietnam after the Democrat-controlled Congress voted to terminate all aid to that country. Ford's attempts to curb the growing problem of inflation met with little success, and his only solution seemed to be encouraging people to wear shirt buttons with the slogan WIN (Whip Inflation Now) on them. He also appointed a Supreme Court justice, John Paul Stevens, who retired in 2010. During Ford's administration, the nation also celebrated its 200th birthday on July 4, 1976. The event brought some enthusiasm to an American populace that was feeling highly cynical and disillusioned from Vietnam, Watergate, and economic difficulties. Ford's pardon of Nixon just before the 1974 midterm elections was not well received, and the Democrats made major gains, bringing to power a generation of young liberal activists, many of them suspicious of the military and the CIA.[25][26]

Carter Administration

The Watergate scandal was still fresh in the voters' minds when former Georgia Governor Jimmy Carter, a Washington, DC outsider known for his integrity, prevailed over nationally better-known politicians in the Democratic Party Presidential primaries in 1976. Faith in government was at a low ebb, and so was voter turnout. Carter became the first candidate from the Deep South to be elected President since the American Civil War. He stressed the fact that he was an outsider not part of the Beltway political system, and also the fact that he was not a lawyer. Carter undertook various populist measures such as walking to the Capitol for his inauguration and wearing a sweater in the Oval Office to encourage energy conservation. The new president began his administration with a Democrat Congress. Carter's major accomplishments consisted of the creation of a national energy policy and the consolidation of governmental agencies, resulting in two new cabinet departments, the United States Department of Energy and the United States Department of Education. Congress successfully deregulated the trucking, airline, rail, finance, communications, and oil industries, and bolstered the social security system. Carter appointed record numbers of women and minorities to significant government and judicial posts, but nevertheless managed to feud with feminist leaders. Environmentalists promoted strong legislation on environmental protection, through the expansion of the National Park Service in Alaska, creating 103 million new acres of land. Even with all of these successes, Carter failed to implement a national health plan or to reform the tax system, as he had promised in his campaign.[27]

Emphasizing the energy crisis, he mandated restrictions on speed limits and the heating of buildings. But the voters grew increasingly worried about the economy—stagnation combined with high inflation became "stagflation". In 1979, Carter gave a nationally televised address in which he blamed the nation's troubles on the crisis of confidence among the American people. This "malaise speech" further damaged his reelection bid because it seemed to express a pessimistic outlook and blamed the American people for his own failed policies.[28]

Foreign affairs

Carter's term is best known for the 444-day Iranian hostage crisis, and the move away from détente with the Soviet Union to a renewed Cold War.[27]

In foreign affairs, Carter's accomplishments consisted of the Camp David Accords, the Panama Canal Treaties, the creation of full diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China, and the negotiation of the SALT II Treaty. In addition, he championed human rights throughout the world and used human rights as the center of his administration's foreign policy.

Although foreign policy remained quiet during Carter's first two years, the Soviet Union appeared to be getting stronger. It was expanding its influence into the Third World along with the help of allies such as Cuba, and the pace of Soviet military spending steadily rose. In 1979, Soviet troops invaded Afghanistan to prop up a Marxist regime there. After nine years of fighting, the Soviets were unable to suppress Afghan rebels and pulled out of the country. Meanwhile, American forces in Europe, neglected during the Vietnam War, were expected to face the Soviets with 1950s-era weaponry. The US military nearly disintegrated in the aftermath of Vietnam with low morale, racial tensions, and drug use.

The high point of Carter's foreign-policy came in 1978, when he mediated the Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel, ending the state of war that had existed between those two countries since 1967.

In 1979, Carter completed the process begun by Nixon of restoring ties with China. Full diplomatic relations were established on January 1 of that year despite protests from Senator Barry Goldwater and some other conservative Republicans. Unofficial relations with Taiwan were maintained. Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping then visited the US in February 1979.

Carter also tried to place another cap on the arms race with a SALT II agreement in 1979, and faced the Islamic Revolution in Iran, the Nicaraguan Revolution, and the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan. In 1979, Carter allowed the former Iranian Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi into the United States for medical treatment. In response Iranian militants seized the American embassy in Iranian hostage crisis, taking 52 Americans hostage and demanded the Shah's return to Iran for trial and execution. The hostage crisis continued for 444 days and dominated the last year of Carter's presidency, ruining the Presidents tattered reputation for competence in foreign affairs. Carter's responses to the crisis, from a "Rose Garden strategy" of staying inside the White House to the failed military attempt to rescue the hostages, did not inspire confidence in the administration by the American people.


  1. ^ Quoted in M. J. Heale, "The Sixties as History: A Review of the Political Historiography", Reviews in American History v. 33#1 (2005) 133-152 at p. 132
  2. ^ Robert Dallek, Lyndon B. Johnson: Portrait of a President (2004)
  3. ^ Irving Bernstein, Guns or Butter: The Presidency of Lyndon Johnson (1994)
  4. ^ David Edwin Harrell, Jr., Edwin S. Gaustad, John B. Boles, Sally Foreman Griffith, Randall M. Miller, Randall B. Woods, Unto a Good Land: A History of the American People (2005) pp 1052-53
  5. ^ James Reichley, Conservatives in an Age of Change: The Nixon and Ford Administrations (1982)
  6. ^ Arthur Marwick (1998). "The Sixties–Cultural Revolution in Britain, France, Italy, and the United States, c.1958-c.1974 (excerpt from book)". The New York Times: Books. http://www.nytimes.com/books/first/m/marwick-sixties.html. Retrieved 2009-12-06. "...black civil rights; youth culture and trend-setting by young people; idealism, protest, and rebellion; the triumph of popular music based on Afro-American models and the emergence of this music as a universal language, with the Beatles as the heroes of the age..." 
  7. ^ Katy Marquardt (August 13, 2009). "10 Places to Relive the '60s". U.S. News & World Report. http://www.usnews.com/money/personal-finance/real-estate/articles/2009/08/13/10-places-to-relive-the-60s.html. Retrieved 2009-12-06. "Many of the most crucial events of the 1960s—including the civil rights victories, antiwar protests, and the sweeping cultural revolution—left few physical traces." 
  8. ^ Sanford D. Horwitt (March 22, 1998). "The Children". San Francisco Chronicle. http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/1998/03/22/RV73114.DTL. Retrieved 2009-12-06. "He notes that in the 1950s, black protests were pursued mainly through the courts and led by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. In the 1960s, the emphasis was on direct action led not only by Martin Luther King Jr. but also by an unlikely array of young activists, many of them college students in Nashville, where Halberstam was a young reporter for the Tennessean at the time." 
  9. ^ Gregory L. Schneider, The Conservative Century: From Reaction to Revolution (2009) pp 91-118
  10. ^ Kennedy to Johnson, "Memorandum for Vice President," 20 April 1961.
  11. ^ Kennedy, John F. (1961-05-25). "Special Message to the Congress on Urgent National Needs". Historical Resources. John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum. p. 4. http://www.jfklibrary.org/Historical+Resources/Archives/Reference+Desk/Speeches/JFK/Urgent+National+Needs+Page+4.htm. Retrieved 2010-08-16. [dead link]
  12. ^ Gary Donaldson, America at war since 1945 (1996) p. 96
  13. ^ Niels Bjerre-Poulsen, Right face: organizing the American conservative movement 1945-65 (2002) p. 267
  14. ^ Mark W. Woodruff, Unheralded Victory: The Defeat of the Viet Cong and the North Vietnamese Army, 1961-1973 (2006) p. 56
  15. ^ Herbert Y. Schandler, America in Vietnam: The War That Couldn't Be Won (2009)
  16. ^ Charles DeBenedetti, An American Ordeal: The Antiwar Movement of the Vietnam Era (1990)
  17. ^ Lewis L. Gould, 1968: The Election That Changed America (2010) pp 7-33
  18. ^ Gould, 1968: The Election That Changed America (2010) pp 129-55
  19. ^ John C. Whitaker, "Nixon's domestic policy: Both liberal and bold in retrospect," Presidential Studies Quarterly, Winter 1996, Vol. 26 Issue 1, pp 131-53
  20. ^ Glenda Riley, Inventing the American Woman: An Inclusive History (2001)
  21. ^ Angela Howard Zophy, ed. Handbook of American Women's History(2nd ed. 2000).
  22. ^ Donald T. Critchlow, Phyllis Schlafly and Grassroots Conservatism: A Woman's Crusade (2005)
  23. ^ Jane J. Mansbridge, Why We Lost the ERA (1986)
  24. ^ Donald T. Critchlow, Intended Consequences: Birth Control, Abortion, and the Federal Government in Modern America (2001)
  25. ^ James Reichley. Conservatives in an Age of Change: The Nixon and Ford Administrations (1982)
  26. ^ John Robert Greene, The Presidency of Gerald R. Ford (1995)
  27. ^ a b Julian E. Zelizer, Jimmy Carter (2010)
  28. ^ Kevin Mattson, "What the Heck Are You Up To, Mr. President?": Jimmy Carter, America's "Malaise," and the Speech That Should Have Changed the Country (2010)

Further reading

  • Bernstein, Irving. Guns or Butter: The Presidency of Lyndon Johnson 1994.
  • Black, Conrad. Richard M. Nixon: A Life in Full (2007) 1150pp;
  • Branch, Taylor. Pillar of Fire: America in the King Years 1963-65 (1999) excerpt and text search
  • Branch, Taylor. At Canaan's Edge: America in the King Years, 1965-68 (2007)
  • Dallek, Robert. Flawed Giant: Lyndon Johnson and His Times, 1961–1973 (1998) online edition vol 2; also: Lyndon B. Johnson: Portrait of a President (2004). A 400-page abridged version of his 2 volume scholarly biography, online edition of short version.
  • Farber, David, and Beth Bailey, eds. The Columbia Guide to America in the 1960s (2001).
  • Frum, David. How We Got Here (2000)
  • Graham, Hugh Davis. The Civil Rights Era: Origins and Development of National Policy, 1960-1972 (1990)
  • Hayward, Steven F. The Age of Reagan, 1964-1980: The Fall of the Old Liberal Order (2001)
  • Heale, M. J. "The Sixties as History: A Review of the Political Historiography", Reviews in American History v. 33#1 (2005) 133-152
  • Hunt, Andrew. "When Did the Sixties Happen?" Journal of Social History 33 (Fall 1999): 147-61.
  • Kaufman, Burton Ira. The Presidency of James Earl Carter, Jr. (1993), the best survey of his administration
  • Marwick, Arthur. The Sixties: Cultural Transformation in Britain, France, Italy and the United States, c. 1958 - c. 1974 (1998), international perspective excerpt and text search
  • Matusow, Allen J. The Unraveling of America: A History of Liberalism in the 1960s (1984) excerpt and text search
  • Paterson, Thomas G. Meeting the Communist Threat: Truman to Reagan (1988),
  • Patterson, James. Grand Expectations: The United States, 1945-1974 (Oxford History of the United States) (1997)
  • Perlstein, Rick. Before the Storm: Barry Goldwater and the Unmaking of the American Consensus (2001) political narrative of 1960-64
  • Perlstein, Rick (2008). Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 9780743243025.  political narrative of 1964-72
  • Suri, Jeremi. Henry Kissinger and the American Century (2007)
  • Vandiver, Frank E. Shadows of Vietnam: Lyndon Johnson's Wars (1997) online edition
  • Wilentz, Sean. The Age of Reagan: A History, 1974-2008 (2007) excerpt and text search
  • Woods, Randall. LBJ: Architect of American Ambition (2006). A highly detailed scholarly biography (1000 pages). excerpt and online search from Amazon.com
  • Zelizer, Julian E. Jimmy Carter (2010)

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