Orange Order

Orange Order
Orange Institution

The Orange Order flag, also known as the Boyne Standard, consisting of an orange background with a St George's Cross and a purple star which was the symbol of Williamite forces.
Formation 1796 in Loughgall, County Armagh, Ireland
Type Fraternal organisation
Purpose/focus To promote and propagate "Biblical Protestantism" and the principles of the Reformation. To commemorate via Parades and Orange Walks on The Twelfth the life and the accession of the Protestant William of Orange to the thrones of England, Scotland, and Ireland, during the Glorious Revolution and his victory over Roman Catholic, Jacobite, forces led by James II at the Battle of the Boyne ensuring a Protestant succession to the monarchy.
Region served United Kingdom (based mainly in Northern Ireland
and Scotland),
United States,
New Zealand,
Commonwealth Countries
Grand Master of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland Edward Stevenson

The Orange Institution (more commonly known as the Orange Order or Orange Lodge) is a Protestant fraternal organisation based mainly in Northern Ireland and Scotland, though it has lodges throughout the Commonwealth and United States. The Institution was founded in 1796 near the village of Loughgall in County Armagh, Ireland. Its name is a tribute to Dutch-born Protestant William of Orange, who defeated the army of Catholic James II at the Battle of the Boyne (1690).

Politically, the Orange Institution is strongly linked to unionism.[1][2][3] Critics have accused the Institution of being sectarian, triumphalist[4][5][6][7] and supremacist.[7][8][9][10] Catholics, and those whose close relatives are Catholic, are banned from becoming members.[11][12][13] Non-creedal and non-trinitarian denominations (such as members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons), Unitarians and some branches of Quakers) are also ineligible for membership, although these denominations do not have large congregations where most Orange lodges are found.[14]



William III ("William of Orange") King of England, Scotland and Ireland, Stadtholder of the Netherlands

The Orange Institution commemorates William of Orange, the Dutch prince who became King of England, Scotland, and Ireland in the Glorious Revolution of 1688. In particular, the Institution remembers the victories of William III and his forces in Ireland in the early 1690s, especially the Battle of the Boyne.

Formation and early years

The 1790s were a time of political and religious conflict in Ireland. On one side were the Irish nationalists (mostly Irish Catholics, but also some liberal Anglicans) and on the other were the so-called "Protestant Ascendancy" and its supporters. In October 1791 the nationalist Society of United Irishmen was founded by liberal Protestants in Belfast. Its leaders were mainly Presbyterians. They called for a reform of the Irish Parliament that would extend the vote to all Irish men (regardless of religion) and give Ireland greater independence from Britain.[15]

Although the United Irishmen were trying to unite Catholics and Protestants behind their goal, northern County Armagh was undergoing fierce sectarian conflict. Catholics and Protestants set up rural "vigilante" groups – on the Catholic side was the "Defenders" and on the Protestant side was the "Peep-o'-Day Boys". In July 1795 a Reverend Devine had held a sermon at Drumcree Church to commemorate the "Battle of the Boyne".[16] In his History of Ireland Vol I (published in 1809), the historian Francis Plowden described the events that followed this sermon:

Reverend Devine so worked up the minds of his audience, that upon retiring from service, on the different roads leading to their respective homes, they gave full scope to the anti-papistical zeal, with which he had inspired them... falling upon every Catholic they met, beating and bruising them without provocation or distinction, breaking the doors and windows of their houses, and actually murdering two unoffending Catholics in a bog. This unprovoked atrocity of the Protestants revived and redoubled religious rancour. The flame spread and threatened a contest of extermination...

The Orange Order was founded after an incident known as the "Battle of the Diamond", which happened two months after the Drumcree sermon. It took place on 21 September 1795 near Loughgall, a few miles from Drumcree. It was a clash between Defenders and Peep-o'-Day Boys[17][18][19][20] in which four to thirty (mostly un-armed) Defenders were killed. The Governor of Armagh, Lord Gosford, gave his opinion of the violence in County Armagh that followed the "battle" at a meeting of magistrates on 28 December 1795. He said:

It is no secret that a persecution is now raging in this country… the only crime is… profession of the Roman Catholic faith. Lawless banditti have constituted themselves judges….[21]

However, two former grand masters of the Order, William Blacker and Robert Hugh Wallace, have questioned this statement, saying whoever the Governor believed were the “lawless banditti” they could not have been Orangemen as there were no lodges in existence at the time of his speech.[22] According to historian Jim Smyth:

Later apologists rather implausibly deny any connection between the Peep-o'-Day Boys and the first Orangemen or, even less plausibly, between the Orangemen and the mass wrecking of Catholic cottages in Armagh in the months following 'the Diamond' — all of them, however, acknowledge the movement's lower class origins.[23]

Daniel Winters's home near Loughgall

The Order's three main founders were James Wilson (founder of the Orange Boys), Daniel Winter and James Sloan.[24] The first Orange lodge established in nearby Dyan, County Tyrone. Its first grand master was James Sloan of Loughgall, in whose inn the victory by the Peep-o'-Day Boys was celebrated.[25] Like the Peep-o'-Day Boys, one of its goals was to hinder the efforts of Irish nationalist groups and uphold the "Protestant Ascendancy". The Orange Order's first ever marches were to celebrate the "Battle of the Boyne" and they took place on 12 July 1796 in Portadown, Lurgan and Waringstown.[26]

By the time the Orange Order formed, the United Irishmen (still led mainly by Protestants) had become a republican group and sought an independent Irish republic that would "Unite Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter". United Irishmen activity was on the rise, and the government hoped to thwart it by backing the Orange Order from 1796 onward.[17] Nationalist historians Thomas A. Jackson and John Mitchel argued that the government's goal was to hinder the United Irishmen by fomenting sectarianism — it would create disunity and disorder under pretence of "passion for the Protestant religion".[27] Mitchel wrote that the government invented and spread "fearful rumours of intended massacres of all the Protestant people by the Catholics".[28] Historian Richard R Madden wrote that "efforts were made to infuse into the mind of the Protestant feelings of distrust to his Catholic fellow-countrymen".[28] Thomas Knox, British military commander in Ulster, wrote in August 1796 that "As for the Orangemen, we have rather a difficult card to play...we must to a certain degree uphold them, for with all their licentiousness, on them we must rely for the preservation of our lives and properties should critical times occur".[17][29]

When the United Irishmen rebellion broke out in 1798, Orangemen and ex-Peep-o'-Day Boys helped government forces in suppressing it. According to Ruth Dudley Edwards and two former grand masters, Orangemen were among the first to contribute to repair funds for Catholic property damaged in the violence surrounding the rebellion.[30][31]


In the early nineteenth century, Orangemen were heavily involved in violent conflict with an Irish Catholic and nationalist secret society called the Ribbonmen. One instance, published in a 7 October 1816 edition of the Boston Commercial Gazette, included the murder of a Catholic priest and several members of the congregation of Dumreilly parish in County Cavan on 25 May 1816. According to the article, "A number of Orangemen with arms rushed into the church and fired upon the congregation".[32] On 19 July 1823 the Unlawful Oaths Bill was passed, banning all oath-bound societies in Ireland. This included the Orange Order, which had to be dissolved and reconstituted. In 1825 a bill banning unlawful associations – largely directed at Daniel O'Connell and his Catholic Association, compelled the Orangemen once more to dissolve their association. When Westminster granted Catholic Emancipation in 1829, Irish Catholics were free at last to take seats as MPs and play a part in framing the laws of the land. The likelihood of Catholic members holding the balance of power in the Westminster Parliament further increased the alarm of Orangemen in Ireland, as to them it meant the possible revival of a Catholic-dominated Parliament controlled from Rome, and an end to the Protestant Ascendancy. From this moment on, the Orange Order re-emerged in a new and even more militant form.[33]

In 1845 the ban was lifted, but the famous Battle of Dolly's Brae between Orangemen and Ribbonmen in 1849 led to a ban on Orange marches which remained in place for several decades. This was eventually lifted after a campaign of disobedience led by William Johnston of Ballykilbeg.


By the late 19th century, the Order was in decline. However, its fortunes were revived by the spread of Protestant opposition to Irish nationalist mobilisation in the Irish Land League and then around the question of Home Rule. The Order was heavily involved in opposition to Gladstone's first Irish Home Rule Bill 1886, and was instrumental in the formation of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP). The strength of Protestant opposition to Irish self-government under possible Roman Catholic influence, especially in the Protestant-dominated province of Ulster, eventually led to six Ulster counties remaining within the United Kingdom, as Northern Ireland.

In the first decade of the twentieth century, the Order suffered a split when Thomas Sloane left the organisation to set up the Independent Orange Order. Sloane had been suspended after running against a Unionist candidate on a pro-labour platform in an election in 1902.

Role in the partition of Ireland

In 1912 the Third Home Rule Bill was introduced in the British House of Commons. However, its introduction would be delayed until 1914. The Orange Order, along with the British Conservative Party and unionists in general, were inflexible in opposing the Bill. The Order helped to organise the 1912 Ulster Covenant – a pledge to oppose Home Rule that was signed by up to 500,000 people. In 1911 some Orangemen began to arm themselves and train as a militia called the Ulster Volunteers. In 1913 the Ulster Unionist Council decided to bring these groups under central control, creating the Ulster Volunteer Force, a militia dedicated to resisting Home Rule. There was a strong overlap between Orange Lodges and UVF units. A large shipment of rifles was imported from Germany to arm them in April 1914, in what became known as the Larne gun-running.

However, the crisis was interrupted by the outbreak of the World War I in August 1914. This caused the Home Rule Bill to be suspended for the duration of the war. Many Orangemen served in the war with the 36th (Ulster) Division suffering heavy losses and commemorations of their sacrifice are still an important element of Orange ceremonies.

The Fourth Home Rule Act was passed as the Government of Ireland Act 1920; the six north eastern counties of Ulster became Northern Ireland and the other twenty-six counties became Southern Ireland. This self governing entity within the United Kingdom was confirmed in its status under the terms of the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, and in its borders by the Boundary Commission agreement of 1925. Southern Ireland became first the Irish Free State in 1922 and then in 1949 a republic under the name of "Ireland".

Since 1921

Orangeman James Craig, the first Prime Minister of Northern Ireland

The Orange Order had a central place in the new state of Northern Ireland. From 1921 to 1969, every Prime Minister of Northern Ireland was an Orangeman and member of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP); all but three Cabinet Ministers were Orangemen; all but one unionist Senators were Orangemen; and 87 of the 95 MPs who did not become Cabinet Ministers were Orangemen.[34] James Craig, the first Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, maintained always that Ulster was in effect Protestant and the symbol of its ruling forces was the Orange Order. In 1932, Prime Minister Craig maintained that "ours is a Protestant government and I am an Orangeman". Two years later he stated: "I have always said that I am an Orangeman first and a politician and a member of this parliament afterwards…All I boast is that we have a Protestant Parliament and a Protestant State".[35][36][37]

At its peak in 1965, the Order's membership was around 70,000, which meant that roughly 1 in 5 adult Protestant males were members.[38] Since 1965, it has lost a third of its membership, notably in Belfast and Derry. The Order's political influence suffered greatly when the Unionist-dominated Northern Ireland Parliament was prorogued in 1972.[38]

After the outbreak of "The Troubles" in 1969, the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland encouraged Orangemen to join the Northern Ireland security forces—namely the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and the British Army's Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR). The response from Orangemen was strong. Over 300 Orangemen were killed during the conflict, the vast majority of them members of the security forces.[39] Some Orangemen also joined loyalist paramilitaries. During the conflict, the Order had a fractious relationship with loyalist paramilitaries,[40] the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), the Independent Orange Order and the Free Presbyterian Church. The Order urged its members not to join these organisations, and it is only recently that some of these intra-Unionist breaches have been healed.[38]

Drumcree dispute

Drumcree Church near Portadown

The Drumcree dispute is perhaps the most well-known episode involving the Order since 1921. On the Sunday before 12 July each year, the Order holds its "Drumcree parade" in Portadown, when it marches to-and-from Drumcree Church. It has marched this route since 1807, when the area was sparsely populated.[41][42] However, today most of this route falls within the town's mainly-Catholic and nationalist quarter, which is densely populated.[41] The residents have sought to re-route the parade away from this area, seeing it as "triumphalist" and "supremacist".[43]

There have been intermittent violent clashes during the yearly parade since at least 1873.[44] The dispute was intensified by "The Troubles". Before the 1990s, the most contentious part of the parade was the outward leg along Obins Street.[41] When the parade was banned from Obins Street in 1986, the focus shifted to the parade's return leg along Garvaghy Road.[41]

In 1995, the dispute drew worldwide media attention as it led to widespread protests and rioting throughout Northern Ireland.[41] This wave of violence began when Catholic and nationalist protestors prevented the march from continuing along Garvaghy Road.[42] This pattern was repeated every July for the next four years. During that time the dispute led to the deaths of at least five civilians and prompted a massive police and army operation.[42] Since 1998 the parade has been banned from most of the nationalist area, and the violence has subsided. However, regular moves to get the two sides into face-to-face talks have failed.

Beliefs and activities

Orange Order poster depicting historical and religious symbolism


The basis of the modern Orange Order is the promotion and propagation of "biblical Protestantism" and the principles of the Reformation. As such the Order only accepts those who confess a belief in a Protestant religion.

The Order considers the Fourth Commandment to forbid Christians to work, or engage in non-religious activity generally, on Sundays, to be important. When the Twelfth of July falls on a Sunday the parades traditionally held on that date are held on the Monday instead. In March 2002 the Order threatened "to take every action necessary, regardless of the consequences" to prevent the Ballymena Show being held on a Sunday.[45] The County Antrim Agricultural Association complied with the Order's wishes.[45]

Some evangelical groups have claimed that the Orange Order is still influenced by freemasonry.[46] Many Masonic traditions survive, such as the organisation of the Order into lodges. The Order has a system of degrees through which new members advance. These degrees are interactive plays with references to the Bible. There is particular concern over the ritualism of higher degrees such as the Royal Arch Purple and the Royal Black Institutions.[47]


As noted beforehand, the Orange Order is strongly linked to British unionism, especially in Northern Ireland and in Scotland[citation needed]. This is a political ideology that supports the continued unity of the United Kingdom. Unionism is thus opposed to, for example, the re-unification of Ireland and Scottish independence.

An Orange Hall in Ballinrees bedecked with Union Flags

The Order, from its very inception, was an overtly political organisation.[48] In 1905, when the Ulster Unionist Council (UUC) was formed, the Orange Order was entitled to send delegates to its meetings. The UUC was the decision-making body of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP). Between 1922 and 1972, the UUP was consistently the largest party in the Northern Ireland Parliament. Due to its close links with the UUP, the Orange Order was able to exert great influence. The Order was the force behind the UUP no-confidence votes in reformist Prime Ministers O'Neill (1969), Chichester-Clark (1969–71) and Faulkner (1972–74).[38] At the outbreak of The Troubles in 1969, the Order encouraged its members to join the Northern Ireland security forces,[39] which were opposed by all Irish nationalist and republican parties. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) attracted the most seats in an election for the first time in 2003. DUP leader Ian Paisley, who was not a member of the Orange Order, maintained a bitter campaign of conflict with the Order since 1951, when the Order banned members of Paisley's Free Presbyterian Church from acting as Orange chaplains and openly endorsed the UUP against the DUP.[38][49] Recently, however, Orangemen have begun voting for the DUP in large numbers due to their opposition to the Good Friday Agreement.[50] Relations between the DUP and Order have healed greatly since 2001, and there are now a number of high profile Orangemen who are DUP MPs and strategists.[51]

In December 2009, the Orange Order held secret talks with Northern Ireland's two main unionist parties – the DUP and UUP.[52] The main goal of these talks was to foster greater unity between the two parties, in the run-up to the May 2010 general election.[52] Sinn Féin's Alex Maskey said that the talks exposed the Order as a "very political organisation".[52] Shortly after the election, Grand Master Robert Saulters called for a "single unionist party" to maintain the union.[53] He said that the Order has members "who represent all the many shades of unionism" and warned, "we will continue to dilute the union if we fight and bicker among ourselves".[53]

In the October 2010 issue of The Orange Standard, Grand Master Robert Saulters accused 'dissident' Irish republican paramilitaries of being "fancy names" for the "Roman Catholic IRA".[54] SDLP MLA John Dallat asked Justice Minister David Ford to find if Saulters had broken the hate speech laws. He said: "Linking the Catholic community or indeed any community to terror groups is inciting weak-minded people to hatred, and surely history tells us what that has led to in the past".[55]

Orangemen parading in Bangor on 12 July 2010


Parades form a large part of Orange culture. Most Orange lodges hold an annual parade from their Orange hall to a local church. The denomination of the church is quite often rotated, depending on local demographics.

The highlights of the Orange year are the parades leading up to the celebrations on the Twelfth of July. The Twelfth, however, remains in places a deeply divisive issue, not least because of the triumphalism, anti-Catholicism and anti-nationalism of the Orange Order.[56] In recent years, most Orange parades have passed peacefully.[57]

As of 2007, Grand Lodge of Ireland policy remained non-recognition of the Parades Commission, which it sees as explicitly founded to target Protestant parades since Protestants parade at ten times the rate of Catholics. Grand Lodge is, however, divided on the issue of working with the Parades Commission. 40% of Grand Lodge delegates oppose official policy while 60% are in favour. Most of those opposed to Grand Lodge policy are from areas facing parade restrictions like Portadown District, Bellaghy, Derry City and Lower Ormeau.[38]

Orange halls

Rasharkin Orange hall daubed with republican graffiti
Clifton Street Orange Hall in Belfast, which has a protective cage. The statue on the roof is the only one of King William on any Orange hall in Ireland

Monthly meetings are held in Orange halls. Orange halls on both sides of the Irish border often function as community halls for Protestants and sometimes those of other faiths, though this was more common in the past.[58] The halls quite often host community groups such as credit unions, local marching bands, Ulster-Scots and other cultural groups as well as religious missions and Unionist political parties.

Of the approximately 700 Orange halls in Ireland, 282 have been targeted by arsonists since the beginning of the Troubles in 1968.[59] Paul Butler, a prominent member of Sinn Féin, has claimed the arson is a "campaign against properties belonging to the Orange Order and other loyal institutions" by nationalists.[60] On one occasion a member of Sinn Féin's youth wing (Ógra Shinn Féin) was hospitalised after falling off the roof of an Orange hall.[61] In a number of cases halls have been severely damaged or completely destroyed by arson,[62] while others have been damaged by paint bombings, graffiti and other vandalism.[63] The Order claims that there is considerable evidence of an organised campaign of sectarian vandalism by republicans. Grand Secretary Drew Nelson claims that a statistical analysis shows that this campaign emerged in the last years of the 1980s and continues to the present.[63]


One of the Orange Order's activities is educating members and the general public about William of Orange and associated subjects. Both the Grand Lodge and various individual lodges have published numerous booklets about William and the Battle of the Boyne, often aiming to show that they have continued relevance, and sometimes comparing the actions of William's adversary James II with those of the Northern Ireland Office. In addition, historical articles are often published in the Order's newspaper the Orange Standard and the Twelfth souvenir booklet. While William is the most frequent subject, other topics have included the Battle of the Somme (particularly the 36th (Ulster) Division's role in it), Saint Patrick (who the Order argues was not Roman Catholic), and the Protestant Reformation.

There are at least two Orange Lodges in Northern Ireland which represent the heritage and religious ethos of St Patrick. The best known of which is the Cross of Saint Patrick LOL (Loyal Orange lodge) 688,[64] instituted in 1968 for the purpose of (re)claiming the heritage of St Patrick. The lodge has had several well known members, including Rev Robert Bradford MP who was the lodge chaplain who himself was killed by the Provisional IRA, the late Ernest Baird. Today Nelson McCausland MLA and Gordon Lucy, Director of the Ulster Society are the more prominent members within the lodge membership. In the 1970s there was also a Belfast lodge called Oidhreacht Éireann (Ireland's Heritage) LOL 1303, which argued that the Irish language and Gaelic culture were not the exclusive property of Catholics or republicans.[65]

Thiepval Memorial Lodge parade in remembrance of the Battle of the Somme.

The Order has been prominent in commemorating Ulster's war dead, particularly Orangemen and particularly those who died in the Battle of the Somme. There are numerous parades on and around 1 July in commemoration of the Somme, although the war memorial aspect is more obvious in some parades than others. There are several memorial lodges, and a number of banners which depict the Battle of the Somme, war memorials, or other commemorative images. In the grounds of the Ulster Tower Thiepval, which commemorates the men of the Ulster Division who died in the Battle of the Somme, a smaller monument pays homage to the Orangemen who died in the war.[66]

The Orange Order's view of history is usually not inaccurate, but could be criticised as outdated. It is reminiscent of the nineteenth century English historian Thomas Babington Macaulay, who argued that the Glorious Revolution which brought William into power was a major turning point in British and world history. Macaulay's interpretation was very influential but has come under sustained criticism in recent decades.[citation needed]

Orange historiography tends also to be strongly biased in favour of William and against James, painting the former as an ideal ruler and the latter as a bigoted tyrant. It should be noted that few professional historians have a positive opinion of James, although most are also critical of William.[citation needed]

William was supported by the Pope in his campaigns against James' backer Louis XIV of France,[67] and this fact is sometimes left out of Orange histories. However it appears in others.[68]

Occasionally the Order and the more fundamentalist Independent Order publishes historical arguments based more on religion than on history. British Israelism, which claims that the British people are descended from the Israelites and that Queen Elizabeth II is a direct descendant of the Biblical King David, has from time to time been advanced in Orange publications.[69]

Relationship with loyalist paramilitaries

Many nationalists have shown opposition to Orange marches due to the perception that some of the bands hired to appear at their marches openly display support for loyalist paramilitary groups, either by carrying paramilitary flags or having paramilitary names and emblems on their banners.[70]

The banner of Old Boyne Island Heroes Orange lodge bears the names of John Bingham and Shankill Butcher Robert Bates, who were both members.[71] Another Shankill Butcher, Eddie McIlwaine, was pictured taking part in an Orange parade in 2003 with a bannerette of dead UVF volunteer Brian Robinson (who himself was an Orangeman).[72]

Other prominent loyalist terrorists who were also members of the Orange Order included Gusty Spence,[citation needed] Robert Bates,[73] John Bingham,[74] Richard Jameson[75], Billy McCaughey,[76] Robert McConnell[77] and William Marchant.[citation needed]

On 12 July 1972, at least fifty members of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) escorted an Orange march into the Catholic area of Portadown.[44][78][79] The UDA members were dressed in paramilitary uniforms and saluted the Orangemen as they passed.[43] That year, Orangemen formed a paramilitary group called the Orange Volunteers. This group "bombed a pub in Belfast in 1973 but otherwise did little illegal other than collect the considerable bodies of arms found in Belfast Orange Halls".[80]

In the early years of The Troubles, the Order's Grand Secretary in Scotland trawled Orange lodges for volunteers to "go to Ulster to fight". Thousands are alleged to have "answered the call", although the UVF said it "did not yet need them".[81] In 1976, senior Orangemen in Scotland tried to expel leading UDA member Roddy MacDonald after he said on television that he "would be happy to buy arms and ship them to Ulster". However, his expulsion was blocked by 300 delegates at a special disciplinary hearing.[82]

Stoneyford Orange Hall in County Antrim

Portadown Orangemen allowed known militants such as George Seawright to take part in a 6 July 1986 march, contrary to a prior agreement.[83] Seawright was a unionist politician and UVF member who had publicly proposed burning Catholics in ovens.[83] As the march entered the town's Catholic district, the RUC seized Seawright and other known militants. The Orangemen attacked the officers with stones and other missiles.[83]

During November 1999, in a raid on Stoneyford Orange Hall, which the Irish Times has reported as a focal point for the Orange Volunteers,[84] police found military documents with the personal details of over 300 Irish republicans.[85] This led to two Orangemen being convicted for possession of "documents likely to be of use to terrorists", possession of an automatic rifle, and membership in the outlawed Orange Volunteers. Their Orange lodge refused to expel them.[86]

In 2004, police found a weapons stash at the home of an Orangeman in Liverpool. He and two other Orangemen were later jailed for possession of weapons and UVF membership. In 2006, a local Labour Party Member of Parliament, Louise Ellman, called for the members to be expelled from the Order.[87]


The Orange Order runs a number of charitable ventures including:

  • The Grand Orange Lodge of British America Benefit Fund
  • Lord Enniskillen Memorial Orange Orphan Society
  • Orange Foundation
  • The Orange Orphans Society – Registered Charity Number 1068498

Requirements for entry

"An Orangeman should have a sincere love and veneration for his Heavenly Father; a humble and steadfast faith in Jesus Christ, the Saviour of mankind, believing in Him as the only Mediator between God and man. He should cultivate truth and justice, brotherly kindness and charity, devotion and piety, concord and unity, and obedience to the laws; his deportment should be gentle and compassionate, kind and courteous; he should seek the society of the virtuous, and avoid that of the evil; he should honour and diligently study the Holy Scriptures, and make them the rule of his faith and practice; he should love, uphold and defend the Protestant religion, and sincerely desire and endeavour to propagate its doctrines and precepts; he should strenuously oppose the fatal errors and doctrines of the Church of Rome, and scrupulously avoid countenancing (by his presence or otherwise) any act or ceremony of Popish worship; he should, by all lawful means, resist the ascendancy of that Church, its encroachments, and the extension of its power, ever abstaining from all uncharitable words, actions, or sentiments, towards his Roman Catholic brethren; he should remember to keep holy the Sabbath day, and attend the public worship of God, and diligently train up his offspring, and all under his control, in the fear of God, and in the Protestant faith; he should never take the name of God in vain, but abstain from all cursing and profane language, and use every opportunity of discouraging these, and all other sinful practices, in others; his conduct should be guided by wisdom and prudence, and marked by honesty, temperance, and sobriety; the glory of God and the welfare of man, the honour of his Sovereign, and the good of his country, should be the motive of his actions". Most jurisdictions require both the spouse and parents of potential applicants to be Protestant, although the Grand Lodge can be appealed to make exceptions for converts. Members have been expelled for attending Catholic religious ceremonies. In the period from 1964 to 2002, 11% of those expelled from the order were expelled for their presence at a Catholic religious event such as a baptism, service or funeral.[88]

The Laws and Constitutions of the Loyal Orange Institution of Scotland of 1986 state, "No ex-Roman Catholic will be admitted into the Institution unless he is a Communicant in a Protestant Church for a reasonable period." Likewise, the "Constitution, Laws and Ordinances of the Loyal Orange Institution of Ireland" (1967) state, "No person who at any time has been a Roman Catholic … shall be admitted into the Institution, except after permission given by a vote of seventy five per cent of the members present founded on testimonials of good character …" In the 19th century, Rev. Mortimer O'Sullivan, a converted Roman Catholic, was a Grand Chaplain of the Orange Order in Ireland. In the 1950s, Scotland also had a former Catholic as a Grand Chaplain, the Rev. William McDermott.


Orange Order, 1998. Troubled Images Exhibition, Linen Hall Library, Belfast, August 2010

The Orange Institution in Ireland has the structure of a pyramid. At its base are about 1400 private lodges; every Orangeman belongs to a private lodge. Each private lodge sends six representatives to the district lodge, of which there are 126. Depending on size, each district lodge sends seven to thirteen representatives to the county lodge, of which there are 12. Each of these sends representatives to the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland, which heads the Orange Order.

The Grand Lodge of Ireland has 373 members. As a result, much of the real power in the Order resides in the Central Committee of the Grand Lodge, which is made up of three members from each of the six counties of Northern Ireland (Down, Antrim, Armagh, Londonderry, Tyrone and Fermanagh) as well as the two other County Lodges in Northern Ireland, the City of Belfast Grand Lodge and the City of Derry Grand Orange Lodge, two each from the remaining Ulster counties (Cavan, Donegal and Monaghan), one from Leitrim, and 19 others. There are other committees of the Grand Lodge, including rules revision, finance, and education.

Despite this hierarchy, private lodges are basically autonomous as long as they generally obey the rules of the Institution. Breaking these can lead to suspension of the lodge's warrant – essentially the dissolution of the lodge – by the Grand Lodge, but this rarely occurs[citation needed]. Private lodges may disobey policies laid down by senior lodges without consequence. For example, several lodges have failed to expel members convicted of murder despite a rule stating that anyone convicted of a serious crime should be expelled,[89] and Portadown lodges have negotiated with the Parades Commission in defiance of Grand Lodge policy that the Commission should not be acknowledged.

Private lodges wishing to change Orange Order rules or policy can submit a resolution to their district lodge, which may submit it upwards until it eventually reaches the Grand Lodge.[citation needed]

Related organisations

An Orangewoman marching in an Orange Order parade in Glasgow.

Association of Loyal Orangewomen of Ireland

A distinct[90] women's organisation grew up out of the Orange Order. Called the Association of Loyal Orangewomen of Ireland,[14] this organisation was revived in December 1911 having been dormant since the late 1880s. They have risen in prominence in recent years, largely due to protests in Drumcree.[91] The women's order is parallel to the male order, and participates in its parades as much as the males apart from 'all male' parades and 'all ladies' parades respectively. The contribution of women to the Orange Order is recognised in the song "Ladies Orange Lodges O!".

Independent Orange Institution

The Independent Orange Institution was formed in 1903 by Thomas Sloane, who opposed the main Order's domination by Unionist Party politicians and the upper classes. The Independent Order originally had radical tendencies, especially in the area of labour relations, but this soon faded. In the 1950s and 60s the Independents focussed primarily on religious issues, especially the maintenance of Sunday as a holy day. With the outbreak of the Troubles, Ian Paisley began regularly speaking at Independent meetings, although he is not and has never been a member. As a result the Independent Institution has become associated with Paisley and his Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster and Democratic Unionist Party. Recently the relationship between the two Orange Institutions has improved, with joint church services being held. Some people believe that this will ultimately result in a healing of the split which led to the Independent Orange Institution breaking away from the mainstream Order. Like the main Order, the Independent Institution parades and holds meetings on the Twelfth of July. It is based mainly in County Antrim.

Royal Black Institution

The Royal Black Institution was formed out of the Orange Order two years after the founding of the parent body. Although it is a separate organisation, one of the requirements for membership in the Royal Black is membership of the Orange Order and to be no less than 17 years old. The membership is exclusively male and the Royal Black Chapter is generally considered to be more religious and respectable in its proceedings than the Orange Order.

Apprentice Boys of Derry

The Apprentice Boys of Derry exist for their acts during the siege of Derry from James II. Although they have no formal connection with the Orange Order, the two societies have overlapping membership .

Throughout the world

The Orange Institution spread throughout the English-speaking world and further abroad. It is headed by the Imperial Grand Orange Council. It has the power to arbitrate in disputes between Grand Lodges, and in internal disputes when invited. The Council represents the autonomous Grand Lodges of Ireland, Scotland, England, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the United States, Ghana, Togo, and Wales.

Famous Orangemen have included Dr Thomas Barnardo, who joined the Order in Dublin, William Massey, who was Prime Minister of New Zealand, Harry Ferguson, inventor of the Ferguson tractor, and Earl Alexander, the Second World War general.


The first Orange Institution Warrant (No. 1780) arrived in Australia with the ship Lady Nugent in 1835. It was sewn in the tunic of Private Andrew Alexander of the 50th Regiment. The 50th was mainly Irish, many of its members were Orangemen belonging to the Regimental lodge and they had secretly decided to retain their lodge Warrant when they had been order to surrender all military warrants, believing that the order would eventually be rescinded and that the Warrant would be useful in Australia.


The Orange Order played an important role in the history of Canada, where it was established in 1830. Most early members were from Ireland, but later many English, Scots, Italians[92] and other Protestant Europeans joined the Order, as well as Mohawk Native Americans.[93] Toronto was the epicentre of Canadian Orangeism: most mayors were Orange until the 1950s, and Toronto Orangemen battled against Ottawa-driven initiatives like bilingualism and Catholic immigration. A third of the Ontario legislature was Orange in 1920, but in Newfoundland, the proportion has been as high as 50% at times. Indeed, between 1920 and 1960, 35% of adult male Protestant Newfoundlanders were Orangemen, as compared with just 20% in Northern Ireland and 5%–10% in Ontario in the same period.[94]

In addition to Newfoundland and Ontario, the Orange Order played an important role in the frontier regions of Quebec, including the Gatineau- Pontiac region. The region’s earliest Protestant settlement occurred when fifteen families from County Tipperary settled in the valley in Carleton County after 1818.[95] These families spread across the valley, settling towns near Shawville, Quebec.[95] Despite these early Protestant migrants, it was only during the early 1820s that a larger wave of Irish migrants, many of them Protestants, came to the Ottawa valley region.[96] Orangism developed throughout the region’s Protestant communities, including Bristol, Lachute- Brownsburg, Shawville and Quyon.[97] After further Protestant settlement throughout the 1830s and 40s, the Pontiac region's Orange Lodges developed into the largest rural contingent of Orangism in the Province.[98] The Orange Lodges were seen as community cultural centres, as they hosted numerous dances, events, parades, and even the teaching of step dancing.[97] Orange Parades still occur in the Pontiac-Gatineau- Ottawa Valley area; however, every community no longer hosts a parade.[99] Now one larger parade is hosted by a different town every year.[99]

The Toronto Twelfth is North America's oldest consecutive annual parade.


An Orange Order parade in Hyde Park, London, June 2007

The Orange Order reached England in 1807, spread by soldiers returning to the Manchester area from service in Ireland. Since then, the English branch of the Order has generally been allied with the Conservative and Unionist Party.[100] From 1909 to 1974, however, it was also associated with the Liverpool Protestant Party.

The Orange Order in England is strongest in Liverpool including Toxteth and Garston. Its presence in Liverpool dates to at least 1819, when the first parade was held to mark the anniversary of the Battle of the Boyne, on 12 July.

The Orange Order in Liverpool holds its annual Twelfth parade in Southport, a seaside town north of Liverpool. The Institution also holds a Juniors parade there on Whit Monday. The Black Institution holds its Southport parade on the first Saturday in August.

The parades in Southport have attracted controversy in recent times, with some Southport locals criticising the marches due to the disruption that they cause. Events that are staged in the town mean closure of the main street in the town centre, Lord Street. Some businesses choose to stay shut on Lodge days after some trouble caused in the 1980s, however many pubs and the restaurant trade welcome the day and the revenue it brings – particularly on an otherwise quiet weekday.

Other parades are held in Liverpool on the Sunday prior to the Twelfth and on the Sunday after. These parades along with St Georges day; Reformation Sunday and Remembrance Sunday go to and from church. Other parades are held by individual Districts of the Province – in all approximately 30 parades a year.


The Orange Order in Ghana appears to have been founded by Ulster-Scots missionaries some time during the 19th century. Its rituals mirror those of the Orange Order in Ulster though it does not place restrictions on membership to those who have certain Roman Catholic family members. The Orange Order in Ghana appears to be growing, largely based with the growing democracy there.[101]


In 1915 John Amate Atayi, a member of the Lagos Fine Blues LOL 801 moved to Lome, Togo, for work. Here he founded the Lome Defenders of the Truth LOL 867, under warrant of the Grand Orange Lodge of England. In 1916 a second lodge, Paline Heroes LOL No 884 was constituted.[102][103]


The first Orange Lodge in Nigeria was the Lagos Fine Blues LOL 801, which was first listed in 1907 in the returns of Woolwhich District 64 to the Grand Orange Lodge of England. Altogether there were three male lodges and one female lodge. They all appear to have died out some time in the 1960s, due to political unrest. Conversely the Ghana lodges increased greatly in popularity with the return of Democracy.[102][103]

New Zealand

Former Orange hall in Auckland, New Zealand. Now a church.

New Zealand's first Orange lodge was founded in Auckland in 1842, only two years after the country became part of the British Empire, by James Carlton Hill of County Wicklow. The lodge initially had problems finding a place to meet, as several landlords were threatened by Irish Catholic immigrants for hosting it.[104] The arrival of large numbers of British troops to fight the New Zealand land wars of the 1860s provided a boost for New Zealand Orangeism, and in 1867 a North Island Grand Lodge was formed. A decade later a South Island Grand Lodge was formed, and the two merged in 1908.[105]

From the 1870s the Order was involved in local and general elections, although Rory Sweetman argues that 'the longed-for Protestant block vote ultimately proved unobtainable'.[106] Processions seem to have been unusual before the late 1870s: the Auckland lodges did not march until 1877 and in most places Orangemen celebrated the Twelfth and November 5 with dinners and concerts. The emergence of Orange parades in New Zealand was probably due to a Catholic revival movement which took place around this time. Although some parades resulted in rioting, Sweetman argues that the Order and its right to march were broadly supported by most New Zealanders, although many felt uneasy about the emergence of sectarianism in the colony.[107] From 1912 to 1925 New Zealand's most famous Orangeman, William Massey, was Prime Minister. During World War I Massey co-led a coalition government with Irish Catholic Joseph Ward. Historian Geoffrey W. Rice maintains that Bill Massey’s Orange sympathies were assumed rather than demonstrated.[108]

Te Ara: The Encyclopaedia of New Zealand argues that New Zealand Orangeism, along with other Protestant and anti-Catholic organisations, faded from the 1920s.[109] The Order has certainly declined in visibility since that decade, although in 1994 it was still strong enough to host the Imperial Orange Council for its biennial meeting.[110] However parades have ceased,[111] and most New Zealanders are probably unaware of the Order's existence in their country. The New Zealand Order is unusual in having mixed-gender lodges,[112] and at one point had a female Grand Master.[113]

Republic of Ireland

The Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland represents lodges in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, where Orangeism remains particularly strong in border counties such as Donegal, Cavan and Monaghan. Before the partition of Ireland the Order's headquarters were in Dublin, which at one stage had more than 300 private lodges. After partition the Order declined rapidly in the Republic of Ireland. The last 12 July parade in Dublin took place in 1937. The last Orange parade in the Republic of Ireland is at Rossnowlagh, County Donegal, an event which has been largely free from trouble and controversy.[114] It is held on the Saturday before the Twelfth as the day is not a holiday in the Republic of Ireland. There are still Orange lodges in nine counties of the Republic of Ireland – counties Cavan, Cork, Donegal, Dublin, Laois, Leitrim, Louth, Monaghan and Wicklow, but most either do not parade or travel to other areas to do so.[115]

In 2005, controversy was generated when the organisers of Cork's St Patrick's Day parade invited representatives of the Orange Order to parade in the celebrations, part of the year-long celebration of Cork's position of European Capital of Culture. The Order accepted the invitation and was to parade with their wives and children alongside Chinese, Filipino and African community groups in an event designed to recognise and celebrate cultural diversity. Subsequently, after consultation with An Garda Síochána, the Order's grand secretary, Drew Nelson, said both his organisation and the parade organisers were disappointed that the Order would not be attending the festivities. He added that he welcomed the invitation and hoped the Order would be able to participate in the event next year. A Church of Ireland clergyman, Rev. David Armstrong, spoke out against the invitation.[citation needed]

In February 2008 it was announced that the Orange Order was to be granted nearly €250,000 from the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs. The grant is intended to provide support for members in border areas and fund the repair of Orange halls, many of which have been subjected to vandalism.[116][117]


Orange parade in Glasgow (1 June 2003)

The Grand Orange Lodge of Scotland is the largest Orange Lodge outside Northern Ireland. Most lodges are concentrated in west central Scotland around Glasgow, Motherwell, and parts of Renfrew and Ayr. However, the Order is also very strong in West Lothian, and, to a lesser extent East Lothian. Lodges are also based in the North East of Scotland, the most northerly lodges are located in Aberdeen, Alford, Peterhead and Inverness. The orders presence in the North of Scotland can be located to the fishing industry and importation of workers from Belfast and Glasgow to the north and north east and migration of fishermen in the opposite direction.

In 1881, fully three quarters of Orange lodge masters were born in Ireland and, when compared to Canada, Scottish Orangeism has been both smaller (no more than two percent of adult male Protestants in west central Scotland have ever been members) and more of an Ulster ethnic association which has been less attractive to the native Protestant population.[118][119] The strongest predictor of Orange strength in a Scottish county for the period 1860–2001 is the proportion of Irish-Protestant descent in the county.[120]

Scottish Orangeism's political influence crested between the wars, but was effectively nil thereafter as the Tory party at all levels began to move away from Protestant politics toward a more neo-liberal economic agenda.[121]

In 2004 former Scottish Orange Order member Adam Ingram sued MP George Galloway for saying in his autobiography that Ingram had "played the flute in a sectarian, anti-Catholic, Protestant-supremacist Orange Order band". Judge Lord Kingarth ruled that the phrase was 'fair comment' on the Orange Order and that Ingram had been a member, although he had not played the flute.[122]

The Grand Orange Lodge of Scotland has spoken out against Scottish independence, and on 24 March 2007, a parade of 12,000 Orangemen and women marched through Edinburgh's Royal Mile to celebrate the Act of Union.[123]


Cymru LOL 1922 is the only Orange lodge in Wales.

United States

Participation in the Orange Institution was not as large in the United States as it was in Canada. In the early nineteenth century, the post-Revolutionary republican spirit of the new United States attracted exiled Protestant United Irishman such as Wolfe Tone and others.[124] Most Protestant Irish immigrants in the first several decades of the century were those who held to the republicanism of the 1790s, and who were unable to accept Orangeism. Loyalists and Orangemen made up a minority of Irish Protestant immigrants during this period. Most of the Irish loyalist emigration was bound for Upper Canada and the Canadian Maritime provinces, where Orange lodges were able to flourish under the British flag.[125]

By 1870, when there were about 930 Orange lodges in the Canadian province of Ontario, there were only 43 in the entire eastern United States. These few American lodges were founded by newly arriving Protestant Irish immigrants in coastal cities such as Philadelphia and New York.[126] These ventures were short-lived and of limited political and social impact, although there were specific instances of violence involving Orangemen between Catholic and Protestant Irish immigrants, such as the Orange Riots in New York City in 1824, 1870 and 1871.[127]

The first "Orange riot" on record was in 1824, in Abingdon, NY, resulting from a 12 July march. Several Orangemen were arrested and found guilty of inciting the riot. According to the State prosecutor in the court record, "the Orange celebration was until then unknown in the country". The immigrants involved were admonished: "In the United States the oppressed of all nations find an asylum, and all that is asked in return is that they become law-abiding citizens. Orangemen, Ribbonmen, and United Irishmen are alike unknown. They are all entitled to protection by the laws of the country."[128]

The later Orange riots of 1870 and 1871 killed nearly 70 people, and were fought out between Irish Protestant and Catholic immigrants. After this the activities of the Orange Order were banned for a time, the Order dissolved, and most members joined Masonic Orders. After 1871, there were no more riots between Irish Catholics and Protestants.[129]

America offered a new beginning, and "...most descendents of the Ulster Presbyterians of the eighteenth century and even many new Protestant Irish immigrants turned their backs on all associations with Ireland and melted into the American Protestant mainstream."[130]

There are currently two Orange Lodges in New York, one in Manhattan and the other in the Bronx.[131][132]


The Orange Institution has almost 100 lodges in Fermanagh consisting of approximately 2200 male members and 300 female members.

Parallels with the Ku Klux Klan

Irish nationalist author Tim Pat Coogan has stated that in America, Orangeism also manifested itself in movements such as the Know Nothings and the Ku Klux Klan and that it also proved useful to employers as a device for keeping Protestant and Catholic workers from uniting for better wages and conditions.[100][133] In the Orders petition to the Northern Ireland Parades Commission in June 2002, on the Orders right to march, they cited American case law which had upheld the right to public demonstrations by both the Klan and the American Nazi Party.[134]

The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, identifying with the American civil rights movement, described them as 'Britain's Ku Klux Klan' who wrote Fionnbarra O Dochartaigh

We viewed the [Orange Order] as similar to the KKK – so bare-faced and confident enough in the bigoted status quo that they wore bowler hats and sashes rather than white robes and pointed hoods.[135]

Brian Dooley says it would be 'grossly inaccurate' to suggest that the Orange Order 'mirrored' the KKK, he notes that they did share obvious similarities, not least their hostility to Catholicism. Leaders of the Klan going by titles such as Grand Goblin or Imperial Wizard and the Order having less exotic titles as Worshipful Master. Dooley, citing Wyn Craig's history of the Klan notes that during the 1920s the Klan targeted Catholic Churches to fill an 'emotional need for a concrete, foreign-based enemy...the Pope', with these attacks providing a unifying force in support for the Klan among Protestant Churches.[135]

US Congressman Donald M. Payne, who according to John McGarry is one of the most influential black politicians in Congress said in an article in the Sunday Times that 'there are many parallels between Catholics in and the situation the black community faced in the United States.' Payne would be present in July 2000, to observe the Orange Orders attempts to march through a nationalist area.[136]

'Diamond Dan'

As part of the re-branding of Orangeism to encourage younger people into a largely ageing membership, and as part of the planned rebranding of the July marches into an 'Orangefest', the 'superhero' Diamond Dan was created – named after one of its founding members, 'Diamond' Dan Winter – Diamond referring to the Institution's formation at the Diamond, Loughgall, in 1795.

Initially unveiled with a competition for children to name their new mascot in November 2007 (it was nicknamed 'Sash Gordon' by several parts of the British media); at the official unveiling of the character's name in February 2008, Orange Order education officer David Scott said Diamond Dan was meant to represent the true values of the Order: "...the kind of person who offers his seat on a crowded bus to an elderly lady. He won't drop litter and he will be keen on recycling". There were plans for a range of Diamond Dan merchandise designed to appeal to children.

There was however uproar when it was revealed in the middle of the 'Marching Season' that Diamond Dan was a repaint of illustrator Dan Bailey's well-known "Super Guy" character (often used by British computer magazines), and taken without his permission.,[137] leading to the LOL's character being lampooned as "Bootleg Billy".

List of members

Grand Masters

Grand Masters, of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland:[138]

See also

Notes and references

  1. ^ Tonge, Johnathan. Northern Ireland. Polity, 2006. Pages 24, 171, 172, 173.
  2. ^ David George Boyce, Robert Eccleshall, Vincent Geoghegan. Political Thought In Ireland Since The Seventeenth Century. Routledge, 1993. Page 203.
  3. ^ Mitchel, Patrick. Evangelicalism and national identity in Ulster, 1921–1998. Oxford University Press, 2003. Page 136.
  4. ^ "Orangemen take part in Twelfth of July parades". BBC News. 12 July 2010. Retrieved 25 August 2010. "Some marches have been a source of tension between nationalists who see the parades as triumphalist and intimidating, and Orangemen who believe it is their right to walk on public roads." 
  5. ^ "Protestant fraternity returns to spiritual home". Reuters. 30 May 2009. Retrieved 25 August 2010. "The Orange Order's parades, with their distinctive soundtrack of thunderous drums and pipes, are seen by many Catholics in Northern Ireland as a triumphalist display." 
  6. ^ "Ormeau Road frustration". An Phoblacht. 27 April 2000. Retrieved 25 August 2010. "The overwhelming majority of nationalists view Orange parades as triumphalist coat trailing exercises." 
  7. ^ a b "Kinder, gentler or same old Orange?". Irish Central. 23 July 2009. Retrieved 25 August 2010. "The annual Orange marches have passed relatively peacefully in Northern Ireland this year, and it seems a good faith effort is underway to try and reorient the day from one of triumphalism to one of community outreach and a potential tourist attraction ... The 12th may well have been a celebration of a long ago battle at the Boyne in 1690, but it came to symbolize for generations of Catholics the “croppie lie down” mentality on the Orange side. The thunderous beat of the huge drums was just a small way of instilling fear into the Nationalist communities, while the insistence on marching wherever they liked through Nationalist neighborhoods was also a statement of supremacy and contempt for the feelings of the other community." 
  8. ^ Connolly, Sean J (2008). Divided kingdom: Ireland, 1630–1800. Oxford University Press. p. 432. "Modern Irish republicans may look back to the United Irishmen as the founders of their tradition. But the one present-day organisation that can trace an unbroken descent from the 1790s is the Protestant supremacist Orange Order." 
  9. ^ Roe, Paul (2005). Ethnic violence and the societal security dilemma. Routledge. p. 62. "Ignatieff explains how the victory of William of Orange over Catholic King James 'became a founding myth of ethnic superiority...The Ulstermen’s reward, as they saw it, was permanent ascendancy over the Catholic Irish'. Thus, Orange Order marches have come to symbolise the supremacy of Protestantism over Catholicism in Northern Ireland." 
  10. ^ Wilson, Ron (1976). "Is it a religious war?". A flower grows in Ireland. University Press of Mississippi. p. 127. "At the close of the eighteenth century, Protestants, again feeling the threat of the Catholic majority, began forming secret societies which coalesced into the Orange Order. Its main purpose has always been to maintain Protestant supremacy" 
  11. ^ "... No catholic and no-one whose close relatives are catholic may be a member." Northern Ireland The Orange State, Michael Farrell
  12. ^ McGarry, John & O'Leary, Brendan (1995). Explaining Northern Ireland: Broken Images. Blackwell Publishers. p. 180. ISBN 978-0631183495. 
  13. ^ "The Orange marches". 
  14. ^ a b Ruth Dudley Edwards, The Faithful Tribe: An Intimate Portrait of the Loyal Institutions, London, 2000, p.190
  15. ^ Cause of Ireland: From the United Irishmen to Partition, Liz Curtis, Beyond the Pale Publications, Belfast, 1994, ISBN 0 9514229 6 0 pg.6
  16. ^ McKay, Susan. Northern Protestants: An Unsettled People – Portadown. Blackstaff Press (2000).
  17. ^ a b c The Cause of Ireland: From the United Irishmen to Partition, Liz Curtis, Beyond the Pale Publications, Belfast, 1994, ISBN 0 9514229 6 0 pg.9
  18. ^ Mervyn Jess. The Orange Order, pages 18–20. The O’Brian Press Ltd. Dublin, 2007
  19. ^ Ruth Dudley Edwards: The Faithful Tribe, page 220 and 227–228. Harper Collins, London, 2000.
  20. ^ William Blacker, Robert Hugh Wallace, The formation of the Orange Order, 1795–1798: Education Committee of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland, 1994 ISBN 0-9501444-3-6, 9780950144436 Pg 25
  21. ^ History of the Irish Insurrection of 1798, Edward Hay, John Kennedy (New York 1847) Pg.88
  22. ^ William Blacker, Robert Hugh Wallace, The formation of the Orange Order, 1795–1798: Education Committee of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland, 1994 ISBN 0-9501444-3-6, 9780950144436 Pg 37
  23. ^ The Men of No Popery: The Origins of The Orange Order, Jim Smyth, History Ireland Vol 3 No 3 Autumn 1995
  24. ^ "James Wilson and James Sloan, who along with 'Diamond' Dan Winters, issued the first Orange lodge warrants from Sloan's Loughgall inn, were masons." The Men of no Popery, The Origins Of The Orange Order, by Jim Smyth, from History Ireland Vol 3 No 3 Autumn 1995
  25. ^ A New Dictionary of Irish History from 1800, D.J. Hickey & J.E. Doherty, Gill & Macmillan, Dublin 2003, ISBN 0 7171 2520 3 pg375
  26. ^ McCormack, W J. The Blackwell Companion to Modern Irish Culture. Wiley-Blackwell, 2001. Page 317.
  27. ^ Thomas A Jackson, Ireland Her Own, page 142-3
  28. ^ a b Mitchel, John. History of Ireland, from the Treaty of Limerick to the Present Time: Vol I. 1869. Page 223.
  29. ^ Bartlett, Thomas; Kevin Dawson, Daire Keogh (1998). The 1798 Rebellion: An Illustrated History. Roberts Rinehart Publishers. p. 44. ISBN 1-57098-255-4. 
  30. ^ Ruth Dudley Edwards: The Faithful Tribe, pages 236–237. Harper Collins, London, 2000.
  31. ^ William Blacker, Robert Hugh Wallace, The formation of the Orange Order, 1795–1798: Education Committee of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland, 1994 ISBN 0-9501444-3-6, 9780950144436 Pg 139–140
  32. ^ Murder in Ireland. (October 7, 1816 ). Boston Commercial Gazette,
  33. ^ Tony Gray The Orange Order, Rodley Head London (1972), pp. 103–106 ISBN 0 370 01340 9
  34. ^ Harbinson, John. The Ulster Unionist Party, 1882–1973. Blackstaff Press, 1973. pp. 90–91
  35. ^ Ireland: A History from the Twelfth Century to the Present Day, Paul Johnson, HarperCollins Ltd; New (1981), ISBN 0-586-05453-7, Pg.209, Unionism and Orangeism in Northern Ireland Since 1945: The Decline of the Loyal Family, Henry Patterson and Eric P. Kaufmann, Manchester University Press (2007), ISBN 0-7190-7744-3, Pg.28, Orange Parades: The Politics of Ritual, Tradition and Control, Dominic Bryan, Pluto Press, (2000), ISBN 0-7453-1413-9, Pg.66
  36. ^ "CAIN: Susan McKay (2000) Northern Protestants: An Unsettled People". Retrieved 2008-10-31. 
  37. ^ Northern Ireland House of Commons Official Report, Vol 34 col 1095. Sir James Craig, Unionist Party, then Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, 24 April 1934. This speech is often misquoted as: "A Protestant Parliament for a Protestant People", or "A Protestant State for a Protestant People".
  38. ^ a b c d e f Kaufmann, Eric (2007). "The Orange Order: A Contemporary Northern Irish History". Oxford University Press.  "The Orange Order: A Contemporary Northern Irish History – Maps & Charts". Oxford University Press.  Kaufmann, E. (2006) (PDF). The Orange Order in Ontario, Newfoundland, Scotland and Northern Ireland: A Macro-Social Analysis. The Orange Order in Canada; Dublin: Four Courts. 
  39. ^ a b "Memorial to honour the Orange victims". Portadown Times. 27 April 2007. Retrieved on 1 April 2011.
  40. ^ Various Orange Order leaders have condemned Loyalist paramilitaries over the years. For example, see Belfast Telegraph, 12 July 1974, p.3 and 12 July 1976, p.9; Tyrone Constitution, 16 July 1976, p.1 and 14 July 1978, p.14.
  41. ^ a b c d e "Drumcree: Marching into the past". BBC News. 4 July 2002. Retrieved 12 July 2010. 
  42. ^ a b c Concubhar O'Liathain (19 May 1999). "How Drumcree became a sectarian flashpoint". BBC News. Retrieved 12 July 2010. 
  43. ^ a b Mulholland, Peter. "Drumcree: A Struggle for Recognition". Irish Journal of Sociology, Vol. 9. 1999 and [
  44. ^ a b Bryan, Fraser, Dunn. Political Rituals: Loyalist Parades in Portadown – Part 3 – Portadown and its Orange Tradition. CAIN
  45. ^ a b "A Draft Chronology of the Conflict – 2002". CAIN. Retrieved 2008-02-09. 
  46. ^ "Inside the Hidden World of Secret Societies". Evangelical Truth.  (An example)
  47. ^ "The Orange Order". Inside the Hidden World of Secret Societies.  ("On top of these previous concerns, there has been a growing evangelical opposition to the highly degrading ritualistic practices of the Royal Arch Purple and the Royal Black Institutions within the Orange over this past number of years.")
  48. ^ For the Cause of Liberty, Terry Golway, Touchstone, 2000, ISBN 0-684-85556-9 p.179; Ireland: A History, Robert Kee, Abacus, First published 1982 Revised edition published 2003, 2004 and 2005, ISBN 0-349-11676-8 p61; Ireland History of a Nation, David Ross, Geddes & Grosset, Scotland, First published 2002, Reprinted 2005 & 2006, ISBN 1 84205 164 4 p.195
  49. ^ Kaufmann, Eric (November 2005). "The New Unionism". Prospect.'The%20new%20unionism'%20by%20Eric%20Kaufmann%20%20Prospect%20Magazine%20November%202005%20issue%20116.htm. ; Kaufmann, Eric; Henry Patterson (2007). The Decline of the Loyal Family: Unionism and Orangeism in Northern Ireland. Manchester University Press. 
  50. ^ Tonge, Jonathan; Jocelyn Evans (September 2004). "Eating the Oranges? The Democratic Unionist Party and the Orange Order Vote in Northern Ireland". EPOP 2004 Conference, University of Oxford. 
  51. ^ Kennaway, Brian (2006). The Orange Order: A Tradition Betrayed. Methuen. ISBN 0-413-77535-6. 
  52. ^ a b c BBC (2010-01-28). "Orange Order convened 'unionist unity' talks". BBC News. Retrieved 2010-05-22. 
  53. ^ a b BBC (2010-05-21). "Orangeman Robert Saulters in call for unionist unity". BBC News. Retrieved 2010-05-22. 
  54. ^ David Gordon (2010-10-05). "Orange Order chief brands dissident terrorists as ‘Roman Catholic IRA’". The Belfast Telegraph. Retrieved 2010-10-08. 
  55. ^ Victoria O'Hara (2010-10-07). "Did Orange Order chief’s comments breach hate laws?". The Belfast Telegraph. Retrieved 2010-10-08. 
  56. ^ Drumcree: The Orange Order’s Last stand, Chris Ryder and Vincent Kearney, Methuen, ISBN 0-413-76260-2.; Through the Minefield, David McKittrick, Blackstaff Press, 1999, Belfast, ISBN 0-85640-652-X.
  57. ^;;
  58. ^ "SDLP MLA Mary Bradley". 2007-09-11. Retrieved 2010-06-15. 
  59. ^ Competition. "Fresh threats to Orangmen, DPP members – Local & National – News – Belfast Telegraph". Retrieved 2008-10-31. [dead link]
  60. ^ Irish News, 18 December 2007, pg16 (letter from Paul Butler)
  61. ^ "Newsletter". 
  62. ^;
  63. ^ a b Belfast Newsletter December 18, 2007, p.1
  64. ^ "Cross of Saint Patrick Loyal Orange Lodge No688". Retrieved 2010-06-15. 
  65. ^ Andrew Boyd, 'The Orange Order, 1795–1995', History Today, September 1995, pp.22–3.
  66. ^ Steven Moore, The Irish on the Somme: A Battlefield Guide to the Irish Regiments in the Great War and the Monuments to their Memory, Belfast, 2005, p.110
  67. ^ Tim Pat Coogan, 1916: The Easter Rising, Phoenix, 2001, ISBN 0-7538-1852-3, p. 14
  68. ^ For example M.W. Dewar, John Brown and S.E. Long, Orangeism: A New Historical Appreciation, Belfast, 1967, pp.43–6.
  69. ^ For example, Orange Standard, July 1984, p.8; Alan Campbell, Let the Orange Banners Speak, 3rd edn, 2001, section on 'The Secret of Britain's Greatness'.
  70. ^ Republican News
  71. ^ Taylor, pp150-152
  72. ^ Between a Rock and Hard Gospel
  73. ^ Taylor, Peter (1999). Loyalists. London: Bloomsbury Publishing Plc. pp.150-152
  74. ^ Taylor, p.151
  75. ^ County Armagh Grand Orange Lodge. Retrieved 8 September 2011
  76. ^ Between a Rock and Hard Gospel
  77. ^ County Armagh Grand Orange Lodge. Retrieved 8 September 2011
  78. ^ Belfast Telegraph, 12 July 1972, p.4.
  79. ^ Bryan, Dominic. Orange parades: the politics of ritual, tradition, and control. Pluto Press, 2000. p.92.
  80. ^ Bruce, Steve. The Red Hand: Protestant paramilitaries in Northern Ireland. Oxford University Press, 1992. p.11
  81. ^ Bruce, p.157
  82. ^ Bruce, p.158
  83. ^ a b c The Calgary Herald, 7 July 1986
  84. ^ "Newshound: Daily Northern Ireland news catalog – Irish News article". Retrieved 2008-10-31. 
  85. ^ "BBC News | Northern Ireland | Call to end cross-border police links". 5 November 1999. Retrieved 2008-10-31. 
  86. ^ Orange lodge refuses to expel terrorist twins
  87. ^ MP calls for ban on jailed Liverpool Orangemen
  88. ^ Eric Kaufmann, The Orange Order: A Contemporary Northern Irish History, Oxford, 2007, p.288.
  89. ^ Peter Taylor, Loyalists, London, 1999, pp.151–2.
  90. ^ Jess, Mervyn (2007-05-22). "So, what really happens behind lodge doors ...". The Orange Order. Belfast Telegraph. Retrieved 2008-02-24. [dead link]
  91. ^ Bryan, Dominic (2000). Orange Parades: The Politics of Ritual, Tradition and Control. Pluto Press. p. 114. ISBN 0-7453-1413-9. 
  92. ^
  93. ^
  94. ^ Wilson, David A. (2007). David Wilson. ed. The Orange Order in Canada. 
  95. ^ a b Johanne Devlin Trew, Place, Culture and Community: The Irish Heritage of the Ottawa Valley, (Newcastle Upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars 2009): 64.
  96. ^ Johanne Devlin Trew, Place, Culture and Community: The Irish Heritage of the Ottawa Valley, (Newcastle Upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars 2009): 62.
  97. ^ a b Johanne Devlin Trew, Place, Culture and Community: The Irish Heritage of the Ottawa Valley, (Newcastle Upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars 2009): 106.
  98. ^ Cecil Houston, and William Smyth, The Sash Canada Wore, a Historical Geography of the Orange Order in Canada, (University of Toronto Press 1980):53–54.
  99. ^ a b Johanne Devlin Trew, Place, Culture and Community: The Irish Heritage of the Ottawa Valley, (Newcastle Upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars 2009): 110.
  100. ^ a b Tim Pat Coogan, 1916: The Easter Rising, Phoenix, 2001, ISBN 0-7538-1852-3, p.15
  101. ^ "West Africa". OrangeNet. 
  102. ^ a b
  103. ^ a b
  104. ^ Kevin Haddick-Flynn, Orangeism: The Making of a Tradition, Dublin, 1999, pp.395–6; Rory Sweetman, 'Towards a History of Orangeism in New Zealand', in Brad Patterson, ed., Ulster-New Zealand Migration and Cultural Transfers, Dublin, 2006, p.158
  105. ^ Sweetman, p.157.
  106. ^ Sweetman, p.160.
  107. ^ Sweetman, pp.160–2.
  108. ^ Rice in Brad Patterson, ed., Ulster-New Zealand migration and cultural transfers, p259.
  109. ^
  110. ^
  111. ^ Ruth Dudley Edwards, The Faithful Tribe: An Intimate Portrait of the Loyal Institutions, London, 2000, p.136.
  112. ^ Haddick-Flynn, p.396.
  113. ^ [1][dead link]
  114. ^ An Orange day out in the Republic, 9 July 2001
  115. ^ By Tom Peterkin, Ireland Correspondent Last Updated: 2:16AM GMT 07 Feb 2008 (6 February 2008). "Ministers grant £180,000 to the Orange Order – Telegraph". London: Retrieved 2008-10-31. 
  116. ^ Peterkin, Tom (2008-02-06). "The Telegraph". The Telegraph. Retrieved 2010-06-15. 
  117. ^ "BBC". BBC News. 2008-02-05. Retrieved 2010-06-15. 
  118. ^ (PDF) The Orange Order in Ontario, Newfoundland, Scotland and Northern Ireland: A Macro-Social Analysis. The Orange Order in Canada (Dublin: Four Courts). 2006. 
  119. ^ "Maps". Eric Kaufmann's Homepage. 
  120. ^ Kaufmann, Eric (2006). "The Dynamics of Orangeism in Scotland: The Social Sources of Political Influence in a Large Fraternal Organisation" (PDF). Eric Kaufmann's Homepage. 
  121. ^ Walker, Graham (1992). "The Orange Order in Scotland Between the Wars". International Review of Social History 37 (2): 177–206. doi:10.1017/S0020859000111125. 
  122. ^ "George Galloway – Minister fails to stop Galloway sectarian claim". The Scotsman. Retrieved 2006-12-14. 
  123. ^ "Orange warning over Union danger". BBC news website. 2007-03-24. Retrieved 2008-01-30. 
  124. ^ Kerby A. Millar, Emigrants and Exiles, Oxford University Press, USA (1988), pg 186.
  125. ^ Kerby A. Millar, Emigrants and Exiles, Oxford University Press, USA (1988), pg 191.
  126. ^ Donald McRaild, Faith, Fraternity, and Fighting, Liverpool University Press (2005), pg. 298.
  127. ^ McRaild, Donald. "The Orange Order, Militant Protestantism and anti-Catholicism: A Bibliographical Essay". Retrieved 23 October 2010. 
  128. ^ "History of the Orange Riots in New York", New York Times (July 12, 1871).
  129. ^ Michael Gordon, The Orange Riots: Irish Political Violence in New York City, 1870 and 1871, Cornell University Press (1993), pg 221.
  130. ^ Timothy Meagher, The Columbia Guide to Irish American History, Columbia University Press (2005), pgs 91–92.
  131. ^
  132. ^
  133. ^ For comments linking the Orange Order and the KKK, see Coogan, Unionist veto still the big rock on the road to peace, Irish Times, 18 January 2001
  134. ^ Brown, William Brown (2003). An Army with Banners: The Real Face of Orangeism. Beyond the Pale Publications. pp. 4, 181. ISBN 1-900960 24 9. 
  135. ^ a b Dooley, Brian (1998). Black and Green: the Fight for Civil Rights in Northern Ireland & Black America. Pluto Press. p. 98. ISBN 0-745312950. 
  136. ^ Brendan O'Leary, John McGarry (2004). The Northern Ireland Conflict: Consociational Engagements. Oxford University Press. p. 136. ISBN 0-199266573. 
  137. ^ . 
  138. ^ Office Holders, The Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland

Further reading

  • Kaufmann, Eric (2007). The Orange Order: A Contemporary Northern Irish History. Oxford University Press. 
  • Gallagher, Tom (1987). Glasgow, the Uneasy Peace: Religious Tensions in Modern Scotland, 1819–1914. Manchester University Press. ISBN 0-7190-2396-3. 
  • McFarland, Elaine (1990). Protestants First: Orangeism in Nineteenth Century Scotland. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 0-7486-0202-X. 
  • Neal, Frank (1991). ISBN 0-7190-2348-3. ed. Sectarian Violence: The Liverpool Experience, 1819–1914: An Aspect of Anglo–Irish History. Manchester University Press.  (Considered the principal study of English Orange traditions)
  • Sibbert, R.M. (1939). Orangeism in Ireland and throughout the Empire. London.  (Strongly favourable)
  • Senior, H. (1966). Orangeism in Ireland and Britain, 1795–1836. London. 
  • Gray, Tony (1972). The Orange Order. The Bodley Head. London. ISBN 0-370-01340-9. 

Canada and United States:

  • Wilson, David A. (ed.) (2007). The Orange Order in Canada. Four Courts Press. ISBN 978-1-84682-077-9. 
  • Akenson, Don (1986). The Orangeman: The Life & Ties of Ogle Gowan. Lorimer. ISBN 0-88862-963-X. 
  • Cadigan, Sean T. (1991). "Paternalism and Politics: Sir Francis Bond Head, the Orange Order, and the Election of 1836". Canadian Historical Review 72 (3): 319–347. doi:10.3138/CHR-072-03-02. 
  • Currie, Philip (1995). "Toronto Orangeism and the Irish Question, 1911–1916". Ontario History 87 (4): 397–409. 
  • Gordon, Michael (1993). The Orange riots: Irish political violence in New York City, 1870 and 1871. Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-2754-1. 
  • Houston, Cecil J.; Smyth, William J. (1980). The sash Canada wore: A historical geography of the Orange Order in Canada. University of Toronto Press. ISBN 0-8020-5493-5. 
  • Pennefather, R. S. (1984). The orange and the black: Documents in the history of the Orange Order, Ontario, and the West, 1890–1940. Orange and Black Publications. ISBN 0-9691691-0-8. 
  • See, Scott W. (1983). "The Orange Order and Social Violence in Mid-nineteenth Century Saint John". Acadiensis 13 (1): 68–92. 
  • See, Scott W. (1991). "Mickeys and Demons' vs. 'Bigots and Boobies': The Woodstock Riot of 1847". Acadiensis 21 (1): 110–131. 
  • See, Scott W. (1993). Riots in New Brunswick: Orange Nativism and Social Violence in the 1840s. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 0-8020-7770-6. 
  • Senior, Hereward (1972). Orangeism: The Canadian Phase. Toronto, New York, McGraw-Hill Ryerson. ISBN 0-07-092998-X. 
  • Way, Peter (1995). "The Canadian Tory Rebellion of 1849 and the Demise of Street Politics in Toronto" (PDF). British Journal of Canadian Studies 10 (1): 10–30. 
  • Winder, Gordon M. "Trouble in the North End: The Geography of Social Violence in Saint John, 1840–1860". Errington and Comacchio 1: 483–500. 

•Pierre-Luc Bégin (2008). « Loyalisme et fanatisme », Petite histoire du mouvement orangiste canadien, Les Éditions du Québécois, 2008, 200 p. (ISBN 2923365224).

•Luc Bouvier, (2002). « Les sacrifiés de la bonne entente » Histoire des francophones du Pontiac, Éditions de l’Action nationale.

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