Chinese nationalism

Chinese nationalism

Chinese nationalism (simplified Chinese: 中国民族主义; traditional Chinese: 中國民族主義; pinyin: Zhōngguó mínzúzhǔyì), sometimes synonymous with Chinese patriotism (simplified Chinese: 爱国主义; traditional Chinese: 愛國主義; pinyin: àiguó zhǔyì lit. Love country ideology) refers to cultural, historiographical, and political theories, movements and beliefs that assert the idea of a cohesive, unified Chinese people and culture in a unified country known as China.[1] Jeff Wasserstrom argues that it is extremely misleading to view Chinese nationalism as a single phenomenon: "The tale of Chinese nationalism, or rather Chinese nationalisms, decidedly in the plural, is one that needs to be told in a manner that focuses not just on black and white definitions but makes room for many shades of gray."[2]


Ideological basis

Chinese nationalism has drawn from extremely diverse ideological sources including traditional Chinese thinking, American progressivism, Marxism, and Russian ethnological thought. The ideology also presents itself in many different and often conflicting manifestations, including Ultra-imperialism. These manifestations have included the Three Principles of the People, the Communist Party of China, the anti-government views of students in the Tiananmen protests of 1989, Fascist blueshirts, and Japanese collaborationism under Wang Jingwei.

Although Chinese nationalists have agreed on the desirability of a centralized Chinese state, almost every other question has been the subject of intense and sometimes bitter debate. Among the questions on which Chinese nationalists have disagreed is what policies would lead to a strong China, what is the structure of the state and its goal, what the relationship should be between China and foreign powers, and what should be the relationships between the majority Han Chinese, minority groups, and overseas Chinese.

The vast variation in how Chinese nationalism has been expressed has been noted by commentators Lucian Pye who argues that this reveals a lack of content in the Chinese identity. However, others have argued that the ability of Chinese nationalism to manifest itself in many forms is a positive trait in that it allows the ideology to transform itself in response to internal crises and external events.

Although the variations among conceptions of Chinese nationalism are great, Chinese nationalist groups maintain some similarities, most notably Ultra-imperialism. Chinese nationalistic ideologies all regard Sun Yat-Sen very highly, and tend to claim to be ideological heirs of the Three Principles of the People. In addition, Chinese nationalistic ideologies tend to regard both democracy and science as positive forces, although they often have radically different notions of what democracy means.

National consciousness

There have been versions of a Chinese state for around 5,000 years, since the Xia Dynasty. The Chinese concept of the world was largely a division between the civilized world and the barbarian world and there was little concept of the belief that Chinese interests were served by a powerful Chinese state. Commenter Lucian Pye has argued that the modern "nation state" is fundamentally different from a traditional empire, and argues that dynamics of the current People's Republic of China (PRC) — a concentration of power at a central point of authority – share an essential similarity with the Ming and Qing Empires.[3] There were only a few periods in Chinese history when China fought total wars against foreigners (most notably the Mongols, Manchus, and Japanese), whereas all other conflicts were mainly civil wars that led to dynastic changes. However, attempts to sinicize foreigners or "barbarians" (such as the Vietnamese, and Koreans) who wanted to maintain a separate cultural identity had been going on for millennia. This particular trait of Chinese history was not conducive to realizing a Chinese nation-state, until contact with Western countries in the 19th century.


Defining the relationship between ethnicity and the Chinese identity has been a very complex issue throughout Chinese history. In the 17th century, with the help of Ming Chinese rebels, the Manchus invaded the Chinese heartland and set up the Qing dynasty. Over the next centuries they would incorporate groups such as the Tibetans, the Mongols, and the Uyghurs into territories which they controlled. The Manchus were faced with the issue of maintaining loyalty among the people they ruled while at the same time maintaining a distinctive identity. The main method by which they accomplished control of the Chinese heartland was by portraying themselves as enlightened Confucian sages part of whose goal was to preserve and advance Chinese civilization. Over the course of centuries the Manchus were gradually assimilated into the Chinese culture and eventually many Manchus identified themselves as a people of China.

The complexity of the relationship between ethnicity and the Chinese identity can be seen during the Taiping rebellion in which the rebels fought fiercely against the Manchus on the ground that they were barbarian foreigners while at the same time others fought just as fiercely on behalf of the Manchus on the grounds that they were the preservers of traditional Chinese values. It was during this time that the concept of Han Chinese came into existence as a means of describing the majority Chinese ethnicity.

In the late 19th century, Chinese nationalism identified Han with Chinese and argued for the overthrow of the Manchus who were considered outside the realm of the Chinese nation. This led to many rebellions by Han Chinese. Sun Yat-sen once declared: "In order to restore our national independence, we must first restore the Chinese nation. In order to restore the Chinese nation, we must drive the barbarian Manchus back to the Changbai Mountains. In order to get rid of the barbarians, we must first overthrow the present tyrannical, dictatorial, ugly, and corrupt Qing government. Fellow countrymen, a revolution is the only means to overthrow the Qing government!"

After the 1911 Revolution, the official definition of "Chinese" was expanded to include non-Han ethnicities as part of a comprehensive Chinese nation (Zhonghua Minzu), in order to boost the unification of different races in China.

The official Chinese nationalistic view in the 1920s and 1930s was heavily influenced by modernism and social Darwinism, and included advocacy of the cultural assimilation of ethnic groups in the western and central provinces into the "culturally advanced" Han state, to become in name as well as in fact members of the Chinese nation. Furthermore, it was also influenced by the fate of multi-ethnic states such as Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire. It also became a very powerful force during the Japanese occupation of Coastal China during the 1930s and 1940s and the atrocities committed by such regime.

Over the next decades Chinese nationalism was influenced strongly by Russian ethnographic thinking, and the official ideology of the PRC asserts that China is a multi-ethnic state, and Han Chinese, despite being the overwhelming majority (over 90% in the mainland), they are only one of many ethnic groups of China, each of whose culture and language should be respected. However, many critics argue that despite this official view, assimilationist attitudes remain deeply entrenched, and popular views and actual power relationships create a situation in which Chinese nationalism has in practice meant Han dominance of minority areas and peoples and assimilation of those groups.

During the 1960s and 1970s, Chinese nationalism within mainland China became mixed with the rhetoric of Marxism, and nationalistic rhetoric become in large part subsumed into internationalist rhetoric. On the other hand, Chinese nationalism in Taiwan was primarily about preserving the ideals and lineage of Sun Yat-sen, the party he founded, the Kuomintang (KMT), and anti-Communism. While the definition of Chinese nationalism differed in the Republic of China (ROC) and PRC, both were adamant in claiming Chinese territories such as Diaoyutai Islands.

In the 1990s, rising economic standards, the fall of the Soviet Union, and the lack of any other legitimizing ideology has led to what most observers see as a resurgence of nationalism within China.

Chinese Muslims

Chinese Muslims have played an important role in Chinese nationalism. Chinese Muslims, known as Hui people, are a mixture of the descendants of foreign Muslims like Arabs and Persians, mixed with Han Chinese who converted to Islam. Chinese Muslims are sinophone, speaking Chinese languages, and practice Confucianism.

Hu Songshan, a Muslim Imam from Ningxia, was a Chinese nationalist and preached Chinese nationalism and unity of all Chinese people, and also against imperialism and foreign threats.[4][5] He even ordered the Chinese Flag to be saluted during prayer, and that all Imams in Ningxia preach Chinese nationalism. Hu Songshan led the Ikhwan, the Chinese Muslim Brotherhood, which became a Chinese nationalist, patriotic organization , stressing education and independence of the individual.[6][7][8] Hu Songhan also wrote a prayer in Arabic and Chinese, praying for Allah to support the Chinese Kuomintang government and defeat Japan.[9] Hu Songshan also cited a Hadith (圣训), a saying of the prophet Muhammad, which says "Loving the Motherland is equivalent to loving the Faith" (“爱护祖国是属于信仰的一部份”). Hu Songshan harshly criticized those who were non patrioctic and those who taught anti nationalist thinking, saying that they were fake Muslims.

Ma Qixi was a Muslim reformer, leader of the Xidaotang, and he taught that Islam could only be understood by using Chinese culture such as Confucianism. He read classic Chinese texts and even took his cue from Laozi when he decided to go on Hajj to Mecca.

Ma Fuxiang, a Chinese Muslim general and Kuomintang member, was another Chinese nationalist. Ma Fuxiang preached unity of all Chinese people, and even non-Chinese people such as Tibetans and Mongols to stay in China. He proclaimed that Mongolia and Tibet were part of the Republic of China, and not independent countries.[10] Ma Fuxiang was loyal to the Chinese government, and crushed Muslim rebels when ordered to. Ma Fuxiang believed that modern education would help Hui Chinese build a better society and help China resist foreign imperialism and help build the nation. He was praised for his "guojia yizhi"(national consciousness) by non Muslims. Ma Fuxiang also published many books, and wrote on Confucianism and Islam, having studied both the Quran and the Spring and Autumn Annals.

Ma Fuxiang had served under the Chinese Muslim general Dong Fuxiang, and fought against the foreigners during the Boxer Rebellion.[11][12] The Muslim unit he served in was noted for being anti foreign, being involved in shooting a Westerner and a Japanese to death before the Boxer Rebellion broke out.[13] It was reported that the Muslim troops were going to wipe out the foreigners to return a golden age for China, and the Muslims repeatedly attacked foreign churches, railways, and legations, before hostilities even started.[14] The Muslim troops were armed with modern repeater rifles and artillery, and reportedly enthusiastic about going on the offensive and killing foreigners. Ma Fuxiang led an ambush against the foreigners at Langfang and inflicted many casualties, using a train to escape. Dong Fuxiang was a xenophobe and hated foreigners, wanting to drive them out of China.

Various Muslim organizations in China like China Islamic Association (Zhongguo Huijiao Gonghui) and the Chinese Muslim Association were sponsored by the Kuomintang.

Chinese Muslim imams had synthesized Islam and Confucianism in the Han Kitab. They asserted that there was no contradiction between Confucianism and Islam, and no contradiction between being a Chinese national and a Muslim. Chinese Muslim students returning from study abroad, from places such as Al Azhar in Egypt learned about nationalism and advocated Chinese nationalism at home. One Imam, Wang Jingzhai, who studied at Mecca, translated a Hadith, or saying of Muhammad, "Aiguo Aijiao"- loving the country is equivalent to loving the faith. Chinese Muslims believed that their "Watan"(country in Arabic) was the whole of the Republic of China, non-Muslims included.[15]

General Bai Chongxi, the warlord of Guangxi, and a member of the Kuomintang, presented himself as the protector of Islam in China and harbored Muslim intellectuals fleeing from the Japanese invasion in Guangxi, who preached Chinese nationalism and anti imperialism. Chinese Muslims were sent to Saudi Arabia and Egypt to denounce the Japanese. Translations from Egyptian writings and the Quran were used to support propaganda in favor of a Jihad against Japan.[15]

In Xinjiang, the Chinese Muslim general Ma Hushan supported Chinese nationalism. He was chief of the 36th Division (National Revolutionary Army). He spread anti Soviet, and anti Japanese propaganda, and instituted a colonial regime over the Uighurs. Uighur street names and signs were changed to Chinese, and the Chinese Muslim troops imported Chinese cooks and baths, rather than using Uighur ones.[16] The Chinese Muslims even forced the Uighur carpet industry at Khotan to change its design to Chinese versions.[17]

The Tungans (Chinese Muslims, Hui people) had anti Japanese sentiment.[18]

General Ma Hushan's brother Ma Zhongying denounced separatism in a speech at Idgah Mosque and told the Uighurs to be loyal to the Chinese government at Nanjing.[19][20][21] The 36th division had crushed the Turkish Islamic Republic of East Turkestan, and the Chinese Muslim general Ma Zhancang beheaded the Uighur emirs Abdullah Bughra and Nur Ahmad Jan Bughra.[22][23][24] Ma Zhancang abolished the Islamic Sharia law which was set up by the Uighurs, and set up military rule instead, retaining the former Chinese officials and keeping them in power. [25] The Uighurs had been promoting Islamism in their separatist government, but Ma Hushan eliminated religion from politics. Islam was barely mentioned or used in politics or life except as a vague spiritual focus for unified opposition against the Soviet Union.[26]

Ma Hushan proclaimed his loyalty to Nanjing, denounced Sheng Shicai as a Soviet puppet, and fought against Soviet invasion in 1937.[27]

Other non sinophone Muslims in China, such as Uighurs and Kirghiz are hostile to Chinese nationalism.


Anti-independence protesters in Washington, D.C. wait for Lee Teng-Hui to come out of a hotel.

One common goal of current Chinese nationalists is the reunification of mainland China and Taiwan. While this was the common stated goal of both the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China (ROC) before 1991, both sides differed sharply on the form of reunification.

After 1991, the ROC unofficially moved away from supporting eventual reunification to a more ambiguous position. One reason is that the ROC itself remains split between supporters of Chinese nationalism, who support eventual reunification as the ROC, supporters of the status quo who believe Taiwan should preserve independence as the ROC, and supporters of Taiwan independence, who believe that the ROC ceased to exist in 1949 and that the Republic of Taiwan should be established. Another reason for the ambiguity is the stated threat that the PRC will take military action if a "Republic of Taiwan" is declared.

Much of the dispute in Taiwan has been muted because there is a general consensus to temporarily support the status quo. Despite this, the relationship between Chinese nationalism and Taiwan remains controversial, involving symbolic issues such as the use of "The Republic of China" as the official name of the government on Taiwan and the use of "China" as the name of Government-owned corporations. Broadly speaking, there is little support on Taiwan for immediate reunification or independence; the argument is over culture and how Taiwanese should see themselves. The pan-blue coalition views mainland China as an economic and cultural opportunity, seeks greater links between Taiwan and mainland China, and believes in a common Chinese identity. The pan-green coalition sees Taiwan as a distinct nation from China and desires to achieve de jure independence.

Overseas Chinese

Chinese nationalism has had mutable relationships with Chinese living outside of Mainland China and Taiwan. Overseas Chinese were strong supporters of the 1911 revolution.

After decolonization, overseas Chinese were encouraged to regard themselves as citizens of their own nations rather than as part of the Chinese nationality. As a result ethnic Chinese in Singapore and Malaysia have sharply divided the concept of ethnic Chinese from the concept of "political Chinese" and have explicitly rejected being part of the Chinese nationality.

During the 1960s, the People's Republic of China and Republic of China (ROC) maintained different attitudes toward overseas Chinese. In the eyes of the PRC government, overseas Chinese were considered capitalist agents; in addition, the PRC government also thought that maintaining good relations with southeast Asian governments was more important than maintaining the support of overseas Chinese. By contrast, the ROC desired good relations with overseas Chinese as part of an overall strategy to avoid diplomatic isolation and maintain its claim to be the sole legitimate government of China.

With the reforms under Deng Xiaoping, the PRC's attitude toward overseas Chinese became much more favorable, and overseas Chinese were seen as a source of capital and expertise. In the 1990s, the PRC's efforts toward overseas Chinese became mostly focused on maintaining the loyalty of "newly departed overseas Chinese", which consisted of mostly graduate students having emigrated, mostly to the United States. Now, there are summer camps, in which overseas Chinese youths may attend to learn first-hand about Chinese culture. Textbooks for Chinese schools are distributed by the government of the People's Republic of China.


In addition to the Taiwan independence movement, there are a number of ideologies which exist in opposition to Chinese nationalism.

Some opponents have asserted that Chinese nationalism is inherently backward and is therefore incompatible with a modern state. Some[who?] claim that Chinese nationalism is actually a manifestation of beliefs in Han Chinese ethnic superiority, though this is hotly debated. While opponents have argued that reactionary nationalism is evidence of Chinese insecurity or immaturity and that it is both unnecessary and embarrassing to a powerful nation, Chinese nationalists assert that Chinese nationalism was in many ways a result of Western imperialism and is fundamental to the founding of a modern Chinese state that is free from foreign domination.

Northern and southern

Edward Friedman has argued[28] that there is a northern governmental, political, bureaucratic Chinese nationalism that is at odds with a southern, commercial Chinese nationalism. This division is rejected by most Chinese and many non-Chinese scholars,[who?] who believe that Friedman has overstated the differences between the north and the south, and point out that the divisions within Chinese society do not fall neatly into "north-south" divisions.


During the 1990s, Chinese intellectuals have vigorously debated the political meaning and significance of the rising nationalism in China. From their debates has emerged a multifarious populist nationalism which argues that anti-imperialist nationalism in China has provided a valuable public space for popular participation outside the country's political institutions and that nationalist sentiments under the postcolonial condition represent a democratic form of civic activity. Advocates of this theory promote nationalism as an ideal of populist politics and as an embodiment of the democratic legitimacy that resides in the will of the people.

Detractors, however, disparage populist nationalism in China today, especially that expressed on the Internet, as a "hooligan culture" in which "Internet Red Guards" hurl obscenities not only against foreign "devils," but also against moderates and liberals who warn of the excesses and dangers that nationalism could pose to China's modernization. Chinese nationalism has recently found an outlet in anti-Japanese sentiment.

Populist nationalism is a comparatively late development in Chinese nationalism of the 1990s. It began to take recognizable shape after 1996, as a joint result of the evolving nationalist thinking of the early 1990s and the ongoing debates on modernity, postmodernism, postcolonialism, and their political implications-debates that have engaged many Chinese intellectuals since early 1995.

Modern times

The end of the Cold War has seen the revival throughout the world of nationalist sentiments and aspirations. In China, the rapid decay of communist ideology had led the CPC to emphasize its role as the paramount patriotic force and the guardian of the national pride in order to find a new basis to sustain its role. However, nationalist sentiment is not the sole province of the CPC. One truly remarkable phenomenon in the post-Cold War upsurge of Chinese nationalism is that Chinese intellectuals became one of the driving forces. Many well-educated people-social scientists, humanities scholars, writers and other professionals-have given voice to and even become articulators for rising nationalistic discourse in the 1990s. Some commentators have proposed that "positive nationalism" could be an important unifying factor for the country as it has been for other countries.[29]

As an indication of the popular and intellectual origins of recent Chinese nationalist sentiment, all coauthors of China Can Say No, the first in a string of defiant rebuttals to American imperialism[citation needed], are college educated, and most are self-employed (a freelancer, a fruit-stand owner, a poet, and journalists working in the partly market-driven field of Chinese newspapers, periodicals, and television stations).

In the 21st century, notable spurs of grassroots Chinese nationalism grew from what the Chinese saw as marginalization of their country from Japan and the Western world. The Japanese history textbook controversies, as well as Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine was the source of considerable anger on Chinese blogs. In addition, the protests following the 2008 Tibetan unrest of the Olympic torch has gathered strong opposition within the Chinese community inside China and abroad. Almost every Tibetan protest on the Olympic torch route was met with a considerable pro-China protest. Because the 2008 Summer Olympics were a major source of national pride, anti-Olympics sentiments are often seen as anti-Chinese sentiments inside China. Moreover, the Sichuan Earthquake in 2008 sparked a high sense of nationalism from Chinese at home and abroad. The central government's quick response to the disaster was instrumental in galvanizing general support from the population amidst harsh criticism directed towards China's handling of the Lhasa riots only two months ago.

Internet vigilantism

Since the state controlled media has control over most media outlet, the Internet is one of the rare places where Chinese nationalists can rant and express their feelings. While the government is known for shutting down controversial blogs, it is impossible to completely censor the Internet and all websites that may be deemed controversial. Chinese Internet users frequently write nationalistic topics online on websites such as The nationalists look for news of people whom they considered to be traitors to China, such as the incident with Grace Wang from Duke University,[30] a Chinese girl who allegedly tried to appease to both sides during the debate about Tibet before the 2008 Summer Olympics. She was labeled as a traitor by online Internet vigilantes, and even had her home back in Qingdao, China, attacked. Her parents had to hide for a while before the commotion died down.

In response to protests during the 2008 Olympic Torch Relay and accusations of bias from the western media, Chinese blogs, forums and websites became filled with nationalistic material, while flash counter-protests were generated through electronic means, such as the use of SMS and IM. One such site, Anti-CNN, claimed that news channels such as CNN and BBC only reported selectively, and only provided a one-sided argument regarding the 2008 Tibetan unrest .[31] Chinese hackers have claimed to have attacked the CNN website numerous times, through the use of DDoS attacks.[32]

2008 Sichuan Earthquake

Many Chinese throughout the world donated to the earthquake relief fund for the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, an event which was very sensitive in terms of nationalistic fervor.

In 2008, a girl called Zhang Ya (张雅) from Liaoning province, Northeast China, posted a 4-minute video of herself complaining about the amount of attention the Sichuan earthquake victims were receiving on television, and made comments about the victims' deaths and their struggles. An intense response from angry, nationalistic Internet vigilantes resulted in the girl's personal details (even including her blood type) being made available online, dozens of abusive video responses on Chinese websites and blogs. The girl was taken into police custody for three days as protection from vigilante death threats.

See also


  1. ^ Dikötter, Frank (Winter 1996). "Culture, ‘Race’ and Nation: The Formation of National Identity in Twentieth Century China". Journal of International Affairs 49 (2): 592. 
  2. ^ Jeffery Wasserstrom (2010). Cambridge. p. 6."The Many Faces of Chinese Nationalism". Retrieved 2011-01-10. 
  3. ^ Pye, Lucian W.; Pye, Mary W. (1985). Asian power and politics: the cultural dimensions of authority. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. p. 184. ISBN 0674049799. 
  4. ^ Jonathan Neaman Lipman (2004). Familiar strangers: a history of Muslims in Northwest China. Seattle: University of Washington Press. p. 210. ISBN 0295976446. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  5. ^ Jonathan Neaman Lipman (2004). Familiar strangers: a history of Muslims in Northwest China. Seattle: University of Washington Press. p. 210. ISBN 0295976446. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  6. ^ Papers from the Conference on Chinese Local Elites and Patterns of Dominance, Banff, August 20–24, 1987, Volume 3. 1987. p. 30. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  7. ^ Stéphane A. Dudoignon (2004). Devout societies vs. impious states?: transmitting Islamic learning in Russia, Central Asia and China, through the twentieth century : proceedings of an international colloquium held in the Carré des Sciences, French Ministry of Research, Paris, November 12–13, 2001. Schwarz.. p. 69. ISBN 3879973148. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  8. ^ Jonathan Neaman Lipman (2004). Familiar strangers: a history of Muslims in Northwest China. Seattle: University of Washington Press. p. 210. ISBN 9050295976446. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  9. ^ Jonathan Neaman Lipman (2004). Familiar strangers: a history of Muslims in Northwest China. Seattle: University of Washington Press. p. 200. ISBN 9050295976446.!%20Help%20our%20government%20and%20nation&f=false. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  10. ^ Jonathan Neaman Lipman (2004). Familiar strangers: a history of Muslims in Northwest China. Seattle: University of Washington Press. p. 167. ISBN 0295976446. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  11. ^ Jonathan Neaman Lipman (2004). Familiar strangers: a history of Muslims in Northwest China. Seattle: University of Washington Press. p. 169. ISBN 0295976446. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  12. ^ Joseph Esherick (1988). The origins of the Boxer Uprising. Berkely California: University of California Press. p. 182. ISBN 9780520064591. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  13. ^ Joseph Esherick (1988). The origins of the Boxer Uprising. Berkely California: University of California Press. p. 302. ISBN 9780520064591.'s&f=false. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  14. ^ Ching-shan, Jan Julius Lodewijk Duyvendak (1976). The diary of His Excellency Ching-shan: being a Chinese account of the Boxer troubles. University Publications of America. p. 14. ISBN 9780890930748. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  15. ^ a b Masumi, Matsumoto. "The completion of the idea of dual loyalty towards China and Islam". Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  16. ^ Andrew D. W. Forbes (1986). Warlords and Muslims in Chinese Central Asia: a political history of Republican Sinkiang 1911-1949. Cambridge, England: CUP Archive. p. 130. ISBN 9780521255141. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  17. ^ Andrew D. W. Forbes (1986). Warlords and Muslims in Chinese Central Asia: a political history of Republican Sinkiang 1911-1949. Cambridge, England: CUP Archive. p. 131. ISBN 9780521255141. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  18. ^ Andrew D. W. Forbes (1986). Warlords and Muslims in Chinese Central Asia: a political history of Republican Sinkiang 1911-1949. Cambridge, England: CUP Archive. p. 130. ISBN 9780521255141. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  19. ^ S. Frederick Starr (2004). Xinjiang: China's Muslim borderland. M.E. Sharpe. p. 79. ISBN 0765613182. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  20. ^ James A. Millward (2007). Eurasian crossroads: a history of Xinjiang. Columbia University Press. p. 200. ISBN 0231139241. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  21. ^ Andrew D. W. Forbes (1986). Warlords and Muslims in Chinese Central Asia: a political history of Republican Sinkiang 1911-1949. Cambridge, England: CUP Archive. p. 124. ISBN 0521255147. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  22. ^ Christian Tyler (2004). Wild West China: the taming of Xinjiang. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press. p. 116. ISBN 0813535336. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  23. ^ Andrew D. W. Forbes (1986). Warlords and Muslims in Chinese Central Asia: a political history of Republican Sinkiang 1911-1949. Cambridge, England: CUP Archive. p. 123. ISBN 0521255147. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  24. ^ Andrew D. W. Forbes (1986). Warlords and Muslims in Chinese Central Asia: a political history of Republican Sinkiang 1911-1949. Cambridge, England: CUP Archive. p. 303. ISBN 0521255147.'s%20head&f=false. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  25. ^ Andrew D. W. Forbes (1986). Warlords and Muslims in Chinese Central Asia: a political history of Republican Sinkiang 1911-1949. Cambridge, England: CUP Archive. p. 82. ISBN 0521255147. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  26. ^ Andrew D. W. Forbes (1986). Warlords and Muslims in Chinese Central Asia: a political history of Republican Sinkiang 1911-1949. Cambridge, England: CUP Archive. p. 130. ISBN 9780521255141. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  27. ^ Andrew D. W. Forbes (1986). Warlords and Muslims in Chinese Central Asia: a political history of Republican Sinkiang 1911-1949. Cambridge, England: CUP Archive. p. 130. ISBN 9780521255141. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  28. ^ Friedman, Edward (1995). National identity and democratic prospects in socialist China. New York: M. E. Sharpe. pp. 33, 77. ISBN 1563244349. 
  29. ^ Niklas Swanstrom. Positive nationalism could prove bond for Chinese. May 4, 2005, Baltimore Sun.
  30. ^ [1]
  31. ^ Anti-CNN website
  32. ^ SBS Dateline, 6 Aug 2008 [2] video link

Further reading

  • Harumi Befu, Cultural Nationalism in East Asia: Representation and Identity (1993). Berkeley, Calif.: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California.
  • Terence Billeter, L’empereur jaune: Une tradition politique chinoise (2005).
  • Maria Hsia Chang, Return of the Dragon: China's Wounded Nationalism, Westview Press (2001), paperback, 256 pp, ISBN 0-8133-3856-5
  • Kai-Wing Chow, "Narrating Nation, Race and National Culture: Imagining the Hanzu Identity in Modern China," in Chow Kai-Wing, Kevin M. Doak, and Poshek Fu, eds., Constructing nationhood in modern East Asia (2001). Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, pp. 47–84.
  • Peter Hays Gries, China's New Nationalism: Pride, Politics, and Diplomacy, University of California Press (January, 2004), hardcover, 224 pages, ISBN 0-520-23297-6
  • Prasenjit Duara, "De-constructing the Chinese Nation," in The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs (July 1993, No. 30, pp. 1–26).
  • Prasenjit Duara, Rescuing History from the Nation Chicago und London: University of Chicago Press, 1995.
  • FANG WEIGUI [方維規]: Lun jindai sixiangshi shang de minzu, Nation yu Zhongguo [論近代思想史上的「民族」,「Nation」与中國], in: Ershiyi shiji [二十一世紀] (April 2002, Vol. 70, S. 33-43).
  • FITZGERALD, JOHN: Awakening China - Politics, Culture and Class in the Nationalist Revolution (1996). Stanford/California: Stanford University Press.
  • HARRELL, PAULA: Sowing the Seeds of Change - Chinese Students, Japanese Teachers, 1895-1905 (1992). Stanford/California: Stanford University Press.
  • HOSTON, GERMAINE A.: The State, Identity, and the National Question in China and Japan (1994). Princeton: Princeton University Press.
  • JUDGE, JOAN: Talent, Virtue and Nation: Chinese Nationalism and Female Subjectivities in the Early Twentieth Century, in: The American Historical Review (Vol. 106, Nr. 3, Juni 2001, S. 765-803).
  • KARL, REBECCA E.: Staging the World - Chinese Nationalism at the Turn of the Twentieth Century (2002). Durham and London: Duke University Press.
  • LIU QINGFENG [劉青峰] (Hg.): Minzuzhuyi yu Zhongguo xiandaihua [民族主義與中國現代化] (1994). Hong Kong: The Chinese University of Hong Kong.
  • LEIBOLD, JAMES. Reconfiguring Chinese nationalism: How the Qing frontier and its indigenes became Chinese. New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2007.
  • LUST, JOHN: The Su-pao Case: An Episode in the Early Chinese Nationalist Movement, in: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. XXVII, Part 2, S. 408-429.
  • SCHUBERT, GUNTER: Chinas Kampf um die Nation - Dimensionen nationalistischen Denkens in der VR China, Taiwan und Hong Kong an der Jahrtausendwende (2002). Hamburg: Mitteilungen des Instituts für Asienkunde.
  • SHEN SUNG-CHIAO [沈松僑] (a): Wo yi wo xue jian Xuanyuan - Huangdi shenhua yu wan Qing de guozu jiangou [我以我血薦軒轅─ 黃帝神話與晚清的國族建構], in: Taiwan shehui yanjiu jikan, Ausgabe 28, Dezember 1997, S. 1-77.
  • SHEN SUNG-CHIAO (together with QIAN YONGXIANG [錢永祥]): Delimiting China: Discourses of 'Guomin' (國民) and the Construction of Chinese Nationality in Late Qing, paper presented at the Conference on Nationalism: The East Asia Experience, May 25–27, 1999, ISSP, Academia Sinica, Taipei, 20pp.(沈松僑/中研院近代史所助理研究員).
  • SAKAMOTO HIROKO [坂元ひろ子]: Chūgoku minzokushugi no shinwa: jinshu - shintai - jendā [中国民族主義の神話 : 人種・身体・ジェンダー] (2004). Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten.
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