National Front (United Kingdom)

National Front (United Kingdom)
National Front
Leader Ian Edward
Founded 1967

PO Box 114, Solihull,

West Midlands, B91 2UR
Ideology Fascism,[1][2]
White nationalism
Political position Far-right
International affiliation None
European affiliation None
European Parliament Group None
Official colours Red, White and Blue
Politics of the United Kingdom
Political parties

The National Front (NF) is a far right, white-only[4] political party whose major political activities took place during the 1970s and 1980s.[5] Its popularity peaked in the 1979 general election, when it received 191,719 votes (0.6% of the overall vote).

The British prison service and police services forbid their employees to be members of the party.[6]

The party accounts submitted to the Electoral Commission in 2007 detailed national profitability.[7] It put up 17 candidates in the 2010 general election and 18 candidates for the 2010 local elections. The party failed to gain any representation at local or national level.



The National Front have been described as fascist[8][9][10] and neo-fascist[3]. In his book, The New Fascists, Wilkinson, comparing the NF to the Italian Social Movement (MSI), comments on their neo-fascist nature and neo-Nazi ideals:

"The only other case among the western democracies of a neo-fascist movement making some progress towards creating an effective mass party with at least a chance of winning some leverage, is the National Front (NF) in Britain. It is interesting that the NF, like the MSI, has tried to develop a 'two-track' strategy. On the one hand it follows an opportunistic policy of attempting to present itself as a respectable political party appealing by argument and peaceful persuasion for the support of the British electorate. On the other, its leadership is deeply imbued with Nazi ideas, and though they try to play down their past affiliations with more blatantly Nazi movements, such as Colin Jordan's British National Socialist Movement, they covertly maintain intimate connections with small neo-Nazi cells in Britain and abroad, because all their beliefs and motives make this not only tactically expedient but effective."[3]

The party stands for "white family values" and the "Fourteen Words", a white nationalist slogan that states: "We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children." The party works in open cooperation with the white supremacist and neo-Nazi website Stormfront.[11][12]

The National Front also stand against immigration into the United Kingdom and would introduce a policy of compulsory repatriation of all those of non-European descent as well as closing the borders to all further immigration. The party claims to stand against "American imperialism", and would withdraw from NATO and the European Union. The party supports the use of capital punishment for crimes of murder, rape, paedophilia and terrorism. It would reintroduce Section 28, and support the recriminalization of homosexuality. The party adopts a strongly pro-life stance, describing abortion as a "crime against humanity" and would repeal the 1967 Abortion Act. The NF claims to oppose all economic and cultural imperialism: "Nations should be free to determine their own political systems, their own economic systems and to develop their own culture."[13] Its constitution expresses the fact that it is run by a National Directorate rather than a direct chairman where it is described in section 2 as: "The National Front consists of a confederation of branches co-ordinated by a National Directorate. Additionally a Central Tribunal appointed by the National Directorate is responsible for acting as a final court of appeal in internal disciplinary matters and for acting as a disciplinary tribunal for cases brought directly against individual party members by the National Directorate."[14] It claims that its skinhead phenomenon is no more.[15]

The party is critical of the historical accuracy of the Holocaust, and is inclined towards Holocaust denial, but claims that it has no official view about it and defends the right over any historian on the subject.[15] In recent years the party has been in conflict with the British National Party over such issues as the BNP's attempts to present itself with a more moderate image. The party has described the BNP as part of a "Zionist Occupation Government". The NF's former national chairman, Tom Holmes, condemned the BNP as no longer being a white nationalist party for having a Sikh columnist in their party newspaper.[16]


Late 1960s: formation

A move towards unity on the far right had been growing during the 1960s as groups worked more closely together. Impetus was provided by the 1966 general election when a moderate Conservative Party was defeated and A. K. Chesterton, a cousin of the novelist G. K. Chesterton and leader of the League of Empire Loyalists (LEL), argued that a patriotic and racialist right wing party would have won the election.[17] Soon Chesterton opened talks with the 1960s incarnation of the British National Party (who had already been discussing a possible deal with the new National Democratic Party) and agreed a merger with them, with the BNP's Philip Maxwell addressing the LEL conference in October 1966.[18] A portion of the Racial Preservation Society led by Robin Beauclair also agreed to participate (although the remainder threw their lot in the NDP, its house political party under David Brown) and so the NF was founded on February 7, 1967.[19]

Its purpose was to oppose immigration and multiculturalist policies in Britain, and multinational agreements such as the United Nations or the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation as replacements for negotiated bilateral agreements between nations. The new group placed a ban on neo-Nazi groups being allowed to join the party, but members of John Tyndall's neo-Nazi Greater Britain Movement joined as individual members by a policy of entryism to circumvent the ban.[20]

Early 1970s: growth

The National Front grew during the 1970s and had between 16,000 and 20,000 members by 1974, and 50 local branches.[21] Its electoral base largely consisted of blue-collar workers and the self-employed who resented immigrant competition in the labour market or simply the appearance of immigrants. The Conservatives came particularly from the Conservative Monday Club group within the Conservative Party that had been founded in hostile reaction to Harold Macmillan's "Wind Of Change" speech. The NF fought on a platform of opposition to communism and liberalism, support for Ulster loyalism, opposition to the European Economic Community, and the compulsory repatriation of new Commonwealth immigrants that were able to come over to Britain because of its unique passport system of the period that allowed Commonwealth citizens to Britain as equal citizens.[22][23]

National Front march in Yorkshire, 1970s.

A common sight in England in the 1970s, the NF was well-known for its noisy demonstrations, particularly in London, where it often faced anti-fascist protestors from opposing left-wing groups, including the International Marxist Group and the International Socialists (later the Socialist Workers Party). Opponents of the National Front claimed it to be a neo-fascist organization, and its activities were opposed by anti-racist groups such as Searchlight. The NF was led at first by Chesterton, who left under a cloud after half of the directorate (led by the NF's major financer, Gordon Marshall) moved a vote of no confidence in him. He was replaced in 1970 by the party's office manager John O'Brien, a former Conservative and supporter of Enoch Powell. O'Brien however left when he realised the NF's leadership functions were being systematically taken over by the former Greater Britain Movement members in order to ensure the party was really being run by John Tyndall and his deputy Martin Webster.[24] He and the NF's treasurer Clare McDonald led a small group of supporters into John Davis' National Independence Party, and the leadership passed to Tyndall and Webster.

Mid 1970s: height of party and success

Between 1973 and 1976 the National Front did their best in local elections, as well as in several general election by-elections. However they never won any seats and at the most just saved one or two deposits.[25][26] See Electoral Performance below.

The NF sought to expand its influence into the 'white dominions' of the Commonwealth.[27] In 1977 overseas organisations were set up in New Zealand (the New Zealand National Front), South Africa (the South African National Front[28]) and in Australia (the National Front Australia ).

A Canadian organisation was also set up (National Front of Canada) but it failed to take off.[29]

Already by 1974, the ITV documentary This Week exposed the neo-Nazi pasts (and continued links with Nazis from other countries) of Tyndall and Webster. This resulted in a stormy annual conference two weeks later, where Tyndall was booed with chants of "Nazi! Nazi!" when he tried to make his speech. This led to the leadership being passed to the populist John Kingsley Read. A standoff between Read and his supporters (such as Roy Painter and Denis Pirie) and Tyndall and Webster followed, leading to a temporary stand-still in NF growth. Before long, Read and his supporters were forced out by intimidation tactics of Tyndall's Honour Guard, and Tyndall returned as leader. Read formed the short-lived National Party, which won two council seats in Blackburn in 1976.[30]

A National Front march through central London on 15 June 1974 led to a 21-year-old man, Kevin Gately, being killed - and dozens more people (including 39 police officers) being injured - in clashes between the party's supports as well as members of anti-fascist organisations.[31]

During 1976 the movement's fortunes improved, and the NF had up to 14,000 paid members.[21] A campaign was launched in support of Robert Relf, who had been jailed for refusing to remove a sign from outside his home declaring that it was for sale only to English buyers (clearly using this term as a code for white). In the May local election the NF's best result was in Leicester, where 48 candidates won 14,566 votes, nearly 20% of the total vote.[32] By June, the party's growth rate was its highest ever. In the May 1977 Greater London Council election, 119,060 votes were cast in favour of the NF and the Liberals were beaten in 33 out of 92 constituencies.[33]

A police ban on a NF march through Hyde in October 1977 was defied by Martin Webster who separately marched alone carrying a Union Jack and a sign reading “Defend British Free Speech from Red Terrorism”, surrounded by an estimated 2,500 police and onlookers: he was allowed to march as 'one man' did not constitute a breaking of the ban. The tactic split the Anti-Nazi League in two and made a farce of the ban whilst attracting more media publicity for the Front.[34] [35] [36] [37]

Late 1970s: riots, infighting and downfall

If anything encapsulated the NF under Tyndall and Webster it was the events of August 1977, when a large NF march specifically went through the largely non-white areas of Lewisham in South East London under an inflammatory slogan claiming that 85% of muggers were black whilst 85% of muggers' victims were white.[38] As the NF was then contesting the Birmingham Ladywood by-election, such a large march elsewhere was construed as being an attempt to provoke trouble. 270 policemen were injured (56 hospitalised) and over 200 marchers were injured (78 hospitalised) in an attempt to destroy the local police station.[39] The march saw the first use of riot shields on British soil outside of Northern Ireland. The event is often referred to by anti-fascists as the Battle of Lewisham along similar lines to the previous Battle of Cable Street against Oswald Mosley[original research?]. In fact, most of those who took part in the riot that day were not members of any anti-fascist or anti-racists groups, but local youths (both black and white)].[40]

At the same time, Margaret Thatcher as opposition leader was moving the Tory party back to the right and away from the moderate Heathite stance which had caused some Conservatives to join the NF. Many ex-Tories returned to the fold from the NF or its myriad splinter groups in particular after her "swamping" remarks on the ITV documentary series World In Action on 30 January 1978:

"... we do not talk about it [immigration] perhaps as much as we should. In my view, that is one thing that is driving some people to the National Front. They do not agree with the objectives of the National Front, but they say that at least they are talking about some of the problems.... If we do not want people to go to extremes... we must show that we are prepared to deal with it. We are a British nation with British characteristics."[41]

Also Tyndall insisted on using party funds to nominate extra candidates so the NF would be standing in 303 seats in order to give the impression of growing strength. This brought the party to the verge of bankruptcy when all the deposits were lost: most candidates were candidates in name only, and did no electioneering.[citation needed].

Front Deputy Leader Martin Webster claimed two decades later that the activities of the Anti-Nazi League played a key part in the NF's collapse at the end of the 1970s, but this claim runs counter to events, for the Anti-Nazi League collapsed in early 1979 amid claims of financial impropriety, with former celebrity supporters such as Brian Clough disowning the organisation. Furthermore, the NF stood their largest number of parliamentary candidates at the 1979 general election only a few months later, and met with far less opposition than in previous elections.[citation needed].

Most damning of all, a full set of minutes of National Front Directorate meetings from late 1979 to the 1986 "Third Way" versus "Flag Group" split, deposited by former NF leader Patrick Harrington in the library of the University of Southampton, revealed that during the party's post-1979 wilderness years they were in the habit of "tipping off the Reds" in order to give their activities greater credibility with the public by being attended by hordes of angry protestors. This fact was later confirmed by MI5 mole Andy Carmichael, who was West Midlands Regional Organiser for the NF during the 1990s.[42]

Tyndall's leadership was challenged by Andrew Fountaine after the disaster. Although Tyndall saw off the challenge, Fountaine and his followers split from the party to form the NF Constitutional Movement. The influential Leicester branch of the NF also split around this time, leading to the formation of the short lived British Democratic Party. In the face of these splits, the party's Directorate voted to oust Tyndall as Chairman after he had demanded even more powers. He was replaced by Andrew Brons: but the 'power behind the throne' was Martin Webster, who, somewhat surprisingly, had supported his old ally's deposition. After failing to win the rights to the NF name in the courts, Tyndall went on eventually to form the British National Party.

1980s: two National Fronts

The party rapidly declined during the 1980s, although it retained some support in the West Midlands and in parts of London (usually centred around Terry Blackham).[43]

The party effectively split into two halves during the 1980s, after they had expelled Martin Webster and his partner Peter Salt. On one side were the Political Soldier ideas of young radicals such as Nick Griffin, Patrick Harrington, Phil Andrews and Derek Holland, who were known as the Official National Front. They had little interest in contesting elections, preferring a revolutionary strategy.[44]

The opposition NF Flag Group contained the traditionalists such as Ian Anderson, Martin Wingfield, Tina 'Tin-Tin' Wingfield, Joe Pearce (initially associated with the Third Way faction) and Steve Brady, who ran candidates under the NF banner in the 1987 general election. The Flag Group did some political dabbling of their own, and the ideas of Social Credit and Distributism were popular, but the chief preoccupation was still race relations.[45] Having two parties within one saved the NF from oblivion after 1979, when the phrase "let a thousand initiatives bloom" was coined to allow internal diversity in the hope of recapturing support, but it led to clashes. In the 1989 Vauxhall by-election, Harrington stood as the Official National Front candidate against Ted Budden for the Flag NF, both sides cat-calling at one another during the declaration of the result[citation needed]. By 1990, the Political Soldiers had fallen out with one another, splintering into Harrington's Third Way and Griffin's International Third Position (ITP), leaving the Flag Group under Anderson and Wingfield to continue alone. Griffin's pamphlet "Attempted Murder"[46] gave a very colourful - if biased and somewhat bitter - overview of this period of the NF's history.

Around this time, the NF lost much of its traditional white support as a result of the group's support for non-white radicals such as Louis Farrakhan.[47] The former supporters either moved to the British National Party (BNP), the rapidly declining British Movement, or to the White Noise umbrella group Blood and Honour. Griffin and Holland tried to enlist the financial aid of Libya's Muammar Gaddafi, but the idea was rejected once the Libyans found out about the NF's reputation as fascist (a third of Libya's adult male population was exterminated by Benito Mussolini's troops during World War II.[48] However, the NF received 5,000 copies of Gaddafi's Green Book, which influenced Andrews to leave the NF to form the Isleworth Community Group, the first of several grassroots groups in English local elections whereby nominally independent candidates stand under a collective flag of convenience to appear more attractive to voters.[49][50]

An estimate of membership of the National Front in 1989 put supporters of the Flag Group at about 3,000, and of the 'Political Soldier' faction at about 600, with a number in between embracing Griffin's Third Position ideas.[44]

1990s and 2000s

In the 1990s, the NF declined as the BNP began to grow. As a result of this, Ian Anderson decided to change the party name and in 1995 relaunched it as the National Democrats. The move proved unpopular. Over half of the members continued with the NF under the reluctant leadership of previous deputy leader John McAuley. He later passed the job on to Tom Holmes. The National Democrats continued to publish the old NF newspaper The Flag for a while. The NF launched a new paper The Flame, which is still published irregularly, but Anderson kept all the old NF printing equipment.

There has been a repositioning of the NF's policy on marches and demonstrations since the expulsion from the party in 2007 of Terry Blackham, the former National Activities Organiser. These have been reduced in favour of electoral campaigning. In January 2010, Tom Holmes resigned the leadership and handed over to Ian Edward.[51]

In February 2010, when the BNP had to change its constitution to allow non-whites into the party because of a High Court decision, the NF claimed to have received over 1000 membership enquiries from BNP members and said that local BNP branches in Yorkshire and north Lincolnshire had discussed switching over to the NF.[52] Prominent BNP members Chris Jackson and Michael Easter have joined the NF.[citation needed]

On 14 September 2010, the NF publicity officer, Tom Linden, shared a debate with the Social Democratic and Labour Party MLA, John Dallat, on BBC Radio Foyle about the support the NF had in Coleraine. This gave the NF a chance to air its views, which resulted in the NF Coleraine organiser, Mark Brown, thanking John Dallat for helping the NF double its support in Coleraine through enquiries and membership.[53]

Electoral performance

Summary of general election performance

Year Number of Candidates Total votes Average voters per candidate Percentage of vote Saved deposits Change (percentage points) Number of MPs
1970 10 11,449 1,145 0.04 0 N/A 0
Feb 1974 54 76,865 1,423 0.2 0 +0.16 0
Oct 1974 90 113,843 1,265 0.4 0 +0.2 0
1979 303 191,719 633 0.6 0 +0.2 0
1983 60 27,065 451 0.1 0 -0.5 0
1987 1 286 286 0.0 0 -0.1 0
1992 14 4,816 344 0.1 0 0.0 0
1997 6 2,716 452 0.0 0 -0.1 0
2001 5 2,484 497 0.0 0 0.0 0
2005 13 8,029 617 0.0 0 0.0 0
2010 17 10,784 634 0.0 0 0.0 0

Local elections

The National Front has contested local elections since the late 1960s, but only did particularly well in local elections from 1973, polling as high as 15% in some councils, but never won any seats[54] In the 1976 local elections the NF notably polled 27.5% of the vote in Sandwell, West Midlands, as well as having polled over 10,000 votes in some councils but still won no council seats[55][56] The 1976 May local election results were the most impressive for the National Front with the jewel in the crown being Leicester, where 48 candidates won 14,566 votes, nearly 20% of the total vote. However after 1977, the votes began to stagnate and by 1978 the votes in local elections declined.[57]

During the 1980s and early 1990s the National Front only fielded a handful of candidates for local elections, but increased this to 19 since 2010.[58]

The National Front have never won a local council seat in an election, but gained a local seat on 3 May 2007 when candidate Simon Deacon was elected unopposed to Markyate Parish council, near St Albans (there were ten vacancies but only nine candidates). However Deacon soon defected to the British National Party, after becoming disillusioned with the direction of the NF.[59]

In March 2010 the NF gained its first ever councillor in Rotherham, John Gamble, who was originally in the BNP and the England First Party (EFP) but joined the National Front.[60] However, it later appeared that John Gamble was expelled from the NF because he was facing some disciplinary charges and the NF withdrew its whip. Later the same year, a parish councillor from Harrogate, Sam Clayton, defected from the BNP to the NF.[61] However, on 29 November 2010, it was revealed that Clayton had resigned as parish councillor for Bilton in Ainsty with Bickerton ward.[62] As of 2011, the National Front therefore has no local councillors, but gained one uncontested parish councillor in Langley Hill Ward for Langley Parish Council.[63] In September 2011, the NF lost its parish councillor after failing to fill in the right forms for the job.[64]


The National Front planned to stand over 30 candidates in the 2011 local elections; however, only 17 were actually fielded.[65]

London Assembly

In the 2008 London Assembly election held on 1 May, the National Front stood five candidates, saving two deposits - Paul Winnett of the NF polled 11,288 votes (5.56% of those cast) in the Bexley and Bromley constituency. In the Greenwich and Lewisham constituency, Tess Culnane polled 8,509 votes (5.79% of those cast) coming ahead of the UK Independence Party.

General elections

The National Front has contested general elections since 1970.

The NF's most significant success in by-election was in the 1973 West Bromwich by-election: the NF candidate finished third on a high 16%, and saved his deposit for the only time in NF by-election history. This result was largely due to the candidate Martin Webster's own adopted 'chummy' persona for the campaign as "Big Mart".


In the 1979 general election the National Front fielded a record of 303 candidates, polling 191,719 votes, but no desposits were saved thus putting the party in extreme financial difficulty. This event is considered a major factor for the downfall of the NF.


The National Front fielded 60 candidates in the 1983 general election and received 27,065 votes and saved no deposits, the average vote being less than 1% in each contested constituency. In 1987, the NF was in a split and only stood one candidate in Bristol East with 286 votes (0.6%) in total.


Since 1992, the National Front has never fielded more than nineteen candidates in a British general election (as low as five in 2001). None has saved their deposit, with their average percentage share of the vote being around 1%. However, in Rochdale during the 2010 general election, the NF candidate, Chris Jackson, polled 4.9% (2,236 votes) coming within a whisker of saving his deposit.[66]

Scottish Parliament

The National Front stood for the first time ever in the Scottish Parliament general election, 2011 by fielding six candidates - one for the North East region and five (three of whom stood for the North East region too) for the constituencies.[67] It gained 1,515 votes (0.08%) for the constituencies nationwide and 640 votes (0.2%) for the North East region. It failed to win any seats or save any deposits.

See also


  1. ^ Richard Thurlow. Fascism in Britain: From Oswald Mosley's Blackshirts to the National Front. 
  2. ^ Bowyer, Benjamin (December 2008). "Local context and extreme right support in England: The British National Party in the 2002 and 2003 local elections". Electoral Studies 27 (4). 
  3. ^ a b c Paul Wilkinson, The New Fascists, Pan Books Ltd, London 1983, p 73. ISBN 0330269534
  4. ^ "Scottish election: National Front profile". BBC. 2011-04-13. Retrieved 13th October 2011. 
  5. ^ "1975: National Front rallies against Europe". BBC. 1975-03-25. Retrieved 1 March 2007. 
  6. ^ "Staff Membership of Racist Groups and Organisations". HM Prison Service. 28 Aug 2001. Retrieved 19 Jan 2009. 
  7. ^
  8. ^ Richard Thurlow. Fascism in Britain:From Oswald Mosley's Blackshirts to the National Front. 
  9. ^ Bowyer, Benjamin (December 2008). "Local context and extreme right support in England: The British National Party in the 2002 and 2003 local elections". Electoral Studies 27 (4). 
  10. ^ James Lyons. "The truth about fascist National Front past of Britain's two new BNP members in Europe". The Daily Mirror. Retrieved 2011-10-15. 
  11. ^ Schwab Abel, David (February 19–25, 1998). "The Racist Next Door". New Times. "Black's swastika-strewn "Stormfront" -- the only white supremacist Website on the Internet before the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City" 
  12. ^ Kim, T.K. (Summer 2005). "Electronic Storm - Stormfront Grows a Thriving Neo-Nazi Community". Intelligence Report (Southern Poverty Law Center) (118). Retrieved December 30, 2008. 
  13. ^
  14. ^
  15. ^ a b
  16. ^
  17. ^ M. Walker, The National Front, Glasgow: Fontana Collins, 1977, p. 58
  18. ^ Walker, The National Front, Glasgow: Fontana Collins, 1977, p. 65
  19. ^ S. Taylor, The National Front in English Politics, London: Macmillan, 1982, pp. 18-19
  20. ^ Taylor, The National Front in English Politics, London: Macmillan, 1982, p. 19
  21. ^ a b The National Front, Nigel Fielding, Taylor & Francis, 1981, p.38.
  22. ^ Fielding, pp. 46-50.
  23. ^ Whitewash: racialized politics and the media,John Gabriel, Routledge, 1998, p. 158.
  24. ^ Taylor, The National Front in English Politics, London: Macmillan, 1982, pp. 22-23
  25. ^ Whitewash: racialized politics and the media, John Gabriel, Routledge, 1998, pp.157-159
  26. ^ The radical right in Western Europe: a comparative analysis, Herbert Kitschelt,University of Michigan Press, 1997, p. 251.
  27. ^ NF Policy Committee Britain: World Power Or Pauper State 1974
  28. ^ see Hill, Ray and Bell, Andrew The Other Face of Terror Grafton (1988)
  29. ^ Ó Maoláin, Ciarán The Radical Right: A World Directory Longman (1987) p.47
  30. ^ M. Walker, The National Front, Glasgow: Fontana, 1977, pp. 187-90
  31. ^ "1974: Man dies in race rally clashes". BBC News. 15 June 1974. 
  32. ^
  33. ^
  34. ^
  35. ^
  36. ^
  37. ^
  38. ^ Paranoia within reason: a casebook on conspiracy as explanation, George E. Marcus, University of Chicago Press, 1999, p. 341.
  39. ^ Social Trends, Issues 10-11, Her Majesty's Stationary Office, 1980, p.277.
  40. ^
  41. ^
  42. ^ Fascism in Britain: from Oswald Mosley's Blackshirts to the National Front, Richard C. Thurlow, Tauris, 1998 p. 276.
  43. ^ Taylor, The National Front in English Politics, London: Macmillan, 1982.
  44. ^ a b Women and fascism, Martin Durham, Routledge, 1998, p. 99.
  45. ^ Whitewash: racialized politics and the media,John Gabriel, Routledge, 1998.
  46. ^ Political Soldier. "The Ebanks File". Retrieved 2009-08-10. 
  47. ^ Ideology and opinions: studies in rhetorical psychology,Michael Billig, SAGE, 1991,p.114.
  48. ^ The enemy of my enemy: the alarming convergence of militant Islam and the extreme right, George Michael, University Press of Kansas, 2006
  49. ^ "Programmes | Under the skin of the BNP". BBC News. Retrieved 2009-08-10. 
  50. ^
  51. ^
  52. ^ Stowell, Sean (2010-02-19). "Far Right: BNP 'losing members'". BBC News. Retrieved 2010-04-27. 
  53. ^
  54. ^ Kitschelt, pp. 250-256
  55. ^ Kitschelt, p. 251
  56. ^ The Longman companion to Britain since 1945,Chris Cook, John Stevenson, Pearson Education, 2000, p.91
  57. ^ Kitschelt, pp. 251
  58. ^
  59. ^ "HOPE not hate news: Decision day for BNP parish councillor". Retrieved 2009-08-10. [dead link]
  60. ^
  61. ^
  62. ^
  63. ^
  64. ^
  65. ^
  66. ^ "BBC NEWS – Election 2010 – Rochdale". BBC News. 
  67. ^


  • Billig, M. (1978). Fascists: A social psychological view of the National Front. London: Academic Press. Very much an 'academic' book on the NF, with statistical as much as political/sociological analysis.
  • Walker, Martin (1977) The National Front (also expanded edition 1978) Fontana/Collins. This was written by a Guardian journalist of the period who interviewed many of the key players within the NF circa 1967-1977: e.g. Rosine de Bounevialle, Rodney Legg, John O'Brien, Roy Painter, John Kingsley Read, John Tyndall and Martin Webster, as well as the widow of Arthur K. Chesterton.
  • L. Cheles, R. Ferguson, and M. Vaughan, Neo-Fascism in Europe, London: Longman, 1992
  • N. Copsey, Contemporary British Fascism: The British National Party and the Quest for Legitimacy, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004

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