Jiang Zemin

Jiang Zemin
Jiang Zemin
General Secretary of the Communist Party of China
In office
24 June 1989 – 15 November 2002
(&1000000000000001300000013 years, &10000000000000144000000144 days)
Preceded by Zhao Ziyang
Succeeded by Hu Jintao
5th President of the People's Republic of China
In office
27 March 1993 – 15 March 2003
Premier Li Peng
Zhu Rongji
Vice President Rong Yiren
Hu Jintao
Preceded by Yang Shangkun
Succeeded by Hu Jintao
Chairman of the CPC Central Military Commission
In office
9 November 1989 – 19 September 2004
Preceded by Deng Xiaoping
Succeeded by Hu Jintao
Chairman of the PRC Central Military Commission
In office
19 March 1990 – 8 March 2005
Preceded by Deng Xiaoping
Succeeded by Hu Jintao
Member of the 13,14,15 th CPC Politburo Standing Committee
In office
24 June 1989 – 15 November 2002
General Secretary Himself
Member of the
National People's Congress
In office
25 March 1988 – 5 March 2008
Constituency Shanghai At-large
Personal details
Born 17 August 1926 (1926-08-17) (age 85)
Yangzhou, Jiangsu
Nationality Chinese
Political party Communist Party of China
Spouse(s) Wang Yeping
Alma mater Shanghai Jiao Tong University
Profession Electrical engineer
Jiang Zemin
Simplified Chinese
Traditional Chinese

Jiang Zemin (born 17 August 1926) is a former Chinese politician, who served as General Secretary of the Communist Party of China from 1989 to 2002, as President of the People's Republic of China from 1993 to 2003, and as Chairman of the Central Military Commission from 1989 to 2005. His long career and political prominence have led to him being described as the "core of the third generation" of Communist Party leaders.

Jiang Zemin came to power following Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, replacing Zhao Ziyang as CPC General Secretary. With the waning influence of Deng Xiaoping and the other members of Eight Elders due to old age, Jiang effectively became the "Paramount Leader" in the 1990s. Under his leadership, China experienced substantial developmental growth with reforms, saw the peaceful return of Hong Kong from the United Kingdom and Macau from Portugal, and improved its relations with the outside world while the Communist Party maintained its tight control over the government. Jiang has been criticized for being too concerned about his personal image at home, and too conciliatory towards Russia and the United States abroad.[1] His contribution to the Marxist doctrine, a list of guiding ideologies by which the CPC rules China, is called the theory of the Three Represents, which has been written into the party and state constitutions[citation needed].


Background and ascendancy

Jiang was born in the city of Yangzhou, Jiangsu. His ancestral home was the Jiangwan Village (江湾村), Wuyuan County (婺源县) of the old Huizhou (徽州) in northern Jiangxi Province. This was also the hometown of a number of prominent figures in Chinese academic and intellectual establishments. Jiang grew up during the years of Japanese occupation. His uncle, Jiang Shangqing, had died fighting the Japanese in World War II and was considered to be a national hero. Jiang attended Department of Electrical Engineering at the National Central University in the Japanese-occupied Nanjing before being transferred to Shanghai Jiao Tong University. He graduated there in 1947 with a Bachelor's degree in electrical engineering. He claimed that he joined the Communist Party of China when he was in college[citation needed]. After the establishment of the People's Republic of China, Jiang received his training at the Stalin Automobile Works in Moscow in the 1950s. He also had worked for Changchun's First Automobile Works. He eventually got transferred to government services, where he began to rise in prominence and rank, eventually becoming a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, Minister of Electronic Industries in 1983. In 1985 he became Mayor of Shanghai, and subsequently the Party Chief of Shanghai.

Jiang received mixed reviews as mayor. Many of his critics dismissed him as a "flower vase", a Chinese term used to describe a decorative but useless person.[2] Many credited Shanghai's growth during the period to Zhu Rongji[citation needed]. Jiang was an ardent believer, during this period, in Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms. In an attempt of curbing student discontent in 1986, Jiang recited the Gettysburg Address in English in front of a group of student protesters.[3][4]

Jiang was described as having a passable command of several foreign languages[5], including Romanian, Russian, and English. One of his favorite activities was to engage foreign visitors in small talks on art and literature in their native language, in addition to singing foreign songs in the original language[6]. He became friends with Allen Broussard, the African American judge who visited Shanghai in 1987 and Brazilian actress Lucelia Santos[citation needed].

Jiang was elevated to national politics in 1987, automatically becoming a member of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee because it is customarily dictated that the Party Chief of Shanghai would also have a seat in the Politburo. In 1989, China was in crisis over the Tiananmen Square protest, and the Central Government was in conflict on how to handle the protesters. (The opening policy, brought out by Deng Xiaoping, has been proved as a crucial and brilliant turning point in China's modern history, causing the economy to grow at an astonishing rate during the past decades.) In June, Deng Xiaoping dismissed liberal Zhao Ziyang, who was considered too conciliatory to student protestors. Jiang, at the time, was the Shanghai Party Chief, the top figure in China's new economic center. In an incident with the World Economic Herald, Jiang closed down the newspaper, deeming it harmful. The handling of the crisis in Shanghai was noticed by Beijing, and then paramount Leader Deng Xiaoping. As the protests escalated and then Party-chief Zhao Ziyang was removed from office, Jiang was selected by the Party leaders as a compromise candidate over Tianjin's Li Ruihuan, Premier Li Peng, Chen Yun, and the retired elders to become the new General Secretary. At the time he was considered to be an unlikely candidate[citation needed]. Within three years Deng had transferred most power in the state, party and military to Jiang.

Early leadership

Jiang was elevated to the country's top job in 1989 with a fairly small power base inside the party, and thus, very little actual power[citation needed]. He was believed as simply a transitional figure until a more stable successor government to Deng could be put in place. Other prominent Party and military figures like Yang Shangkun and brother Yang Baibing were believed to be planning a coup. Jiang used Deng Xiaoping as a back-up to his leadership in the first few years. Jiang, who was believed[citation needed] to have a neo-conservative slant, warned against "bourgeois liberalization". Deng's belief, however, stipulated that the only solution to keeping the legitimacy of Communist rule over China was to continue the drive for modernization and economic reform, and therefore placed himself at odds with Jiang.

At the first meeting of the new Standing Committee of the Politburo, after the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989, Jiang criticized the previous period as "hard on the economy, soft on politics" and advocated increasing political thought work.[7] Anne-Marie Brady writes that "Jiang Zemin was a long time political cadre with a nose for ideological work and its importance. This meeting marked the beginning of a new era in propaganda and political thought work in China." Soon after, the Central Propaganda Department was given more resources and power, "including the power to go in to the propaganda-related work units and cleanse the ranks of those who had been supportive of the democracy movement."[7]

Deng grew critical of Jiang's leadership in 1992. During Deng's southern tours, he subtly suggested that the pace of reform was not fast enough, and the "central leadership" (i.e. Jiang) had most responsibility. Jiang grew ever more cautious, and rallied behind Deng's reforms completely. In 1993, Jiang coined the new term "socialist market economy" to move China's centrally-planned socialist economy into essentially a government-regulated capitalist market economy. It was a huge step to take in the realization of Deng's "Socialism with Chinese characteristics". At the same time, Jiang elevated many of his supporters from Shanghai to high government positions, after regaining Deng's confidence. He abolished the outdated Central Advisory Committee, an advisory body composed of revolutionary party elders. He became Chairman of the Central Military Commission in 1989, followed by his election to the Presidency in March 1993.

Secretaryship and Presidency

Deng Xiaoping died in early 1997, and China, emerging gradually out of the Deng-era reforms and the relative stability of the early 1990s, faced a myriad of economic and social problems. At Deng's funeral, Jiang delivered his eulogy. He had inherited a China rampant with government corruption, and regional economies growing too rapidly for the stability of the entire country. Deng's idea that "some areas can get rich before others" gave rise to an opening wealth gap between coastal regions and the hinterlands. The unprecedented economic growth had inevitably led to the closing of many state-owned enterprises (SOE's), and a staggering unemployment rate that hit 40% in some urban areas. Stock markets fluctuated greatly. The scale of rural migration into urban areas was unprecedented anywhere in the world[citation needed], and little was being done to address an ever-increasing urban-rural wealth gap. Official reports put the figure on the percentage of China's GDP being moved and abused by corrupt officials at 10%.[citation needed] A chaotic environment of illegal bonds issued from civil and military officials resulted in much of the corrupted wealth to end up in foreign countries. Corruption levels had replicated, if not exceeded that of the Republican era in the 1940s. A surge in crime rates and the re-emergence of organized crime began to plague cities. A careless stance on the destruction of the environment furthered concerns voiced by intellectuals. Jiang's biggest aim in the economy was stability, and he believed that a stable government with highly centralised power would be a prerequisite, choosing to postpone political reform, which in many facets of governance exacerbated the on-going problems.[2] Jiang continued pouring funds to develop the Special Economic Zones and coastal regions.

Jiang is believed to be the first Chinese leader to truly manipulate the medium of television to enhance his own image, gaining a reputation for charisma.[citation needed] Beginning in 1996, Jiang began a series of reforms in the state-controlled media aimed at promoting the "core of leadership" under himself, and at the same time crushing some of his political opponents. The personality enhancements in the media were largely frowned upon during the Deng era, and had not been seen since Mao and Hua Guofeng's time in office in the late 1970s. The People's Daily and CCTV-1's 7 pm national news each had Jiang-related events as the front-page or top stories, a fact that remained until Hu Jintao's media administrative changes in 2006. He appeared casual in front of Western media, and gave an unprecedented interview with Mike Wallace of CBS in 2000 at Beidaihe. He would often use foreign languages in front of the camera, albeit not always comprehensible. In an encounter with a Hong Kong reporter in 2000 regarding the central government's apparent "imperial order" of supporting Tung Chee-hwa to seek a second term as Chief Executive of Hong Kong, Jiang branded the Hong Kong journalists as "too simple, sometimes naive" in English.[8] The event was shown on Hong Kong television that night, an event regarded to be in poor taste outside China.

Since 1999, the media has also played an integral role in the crackdown of Falun Gong, which Falun Gong groups believe to be an act under the direction of Jiang himself, and has been heavily criticized by the West.[citation needed] Jiang reputedly came under conflict with the more moderate premier Zhu Rongji over how to contain the spiritual movement.[citation needed] According to International Advocates for Justice, Falun Gong has filed the largest number of human rights lawsuits in the 21st century and the charges are among the most severe international crimes defined by international criminal laws.[9] Ownby stated that, 54 civil and criminal lawsuits were under way in 33 countries in 2006[10] In December 2009, based on a case brought by Falun Gong followers in the country four years previously, Argentine Federal Judge Octavio de Lamadrid issued an arrest warrant for Jiang and Luo Gan for "crimes against humanity". The landmark case succeeded because provisions in Argentina's 1994 constitution allow Argentine courts to address human rights issues in other countries. The report does not state whether Luo or Jiang were represented.[11]

Foreign policy

Jiang Zemin with Bill Clinton in 1999.

Jiang went on a groundbreaking state visit to the United States in 1997, drawing various crowds in protest from the Tibet Independence Movement to the supporters of chinese democracy movement. He made a speech at Harvard University, part of it in passable English, but could not escape questions on democracy and freedom. In the official summit meeting with US President Bill Clinton, the tone was relaxed as Jiang and Clinton sought common ground while largely ignoring areas of disagreement. Clinton would visit China in June 1998, and vowed that China and the United States were partners in the world, and not adversaries. When American-led NATO bombed the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999, Jiang seemed to have put up a harsh stance for show at home, but in reality only performed symbolic gestures of protest, and no solid action. Much of Jiang's foreign policy was focused on international trade and economic integration. A personal friend of former Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chrétien,[12] Jiang strengthened China's economic stature abroad, attempting to establish cordial relations with countries whose trade is largely confined to the American economic sphere.

Economic development

Jiang did not specialize in economics, and in 1997 handed a most of the economic governance of the country to Zhu Rongji, who became Premier, and remained in office through the Asian financial crisis[citation needed]. Under their joint leadership, Mainland China has sustained an average of 8% GDP growth annually, achieving the highest rate of per capita economic growth in major world economies, raising eyebrows around the world with its astonishing speed. This was mostly achieved by continuing the process of a transition to a market economy[citation needed]. Strong party control over China was cemented by the PRC's successful bid to join the World Trade Organization and Beijing winning the bid to host the 2008 Summer Olympics.

Entrenching Three Represents

Before he transferred power to a younger generation of leaders, Jiang had his theory of Three Represents written into the Party's constitution, alongside Marxism–Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, and Deng Xiaoping Theory at the 16th CPC Congress in 2002. Although contradictory to Marxism and Maoism in many facets[which?], it was also written into China's Constitution. Critics[who?] believe this is just another piece added to Jiang's cult of personality, others have seen practical applications of the theory as a guiding ideology in the future direction of the CPC. Largely speculated to step down from all positions by international media, rival Li Ruihuan's resignation in 2002 prompted analysts to rethink the man. The theory of Three Represents was believed by many political analysts to be Jiang's effort at extending his vision to Marxist–Leninist principles, and therefore elevating himself alongside previous Chinese Marxist philosophers Mao and Deng.

Gradual retirement

Jiang Zemin with wife Wang Yeping and George W. Bush with wife Laura Bush in Crawford, Texas in 2002.

In 2002, Jiang stepped down from the powerful CPC Politburo Standing Committee and CPC General Secretary to make way for a "fourth generation" of leadership headed by Hu Jintao, marking the beginning of a transition of power that would last several years. Hu assumed Jiang's title as party chief, becoming the new general secretary of the Communist Party. Six out of the nine new members of Standing Committee at the time were considered part of Jiang's so-called "Shanghai Clique", the most prominent being Vice President Zeng Qinghong and First Vice Premier Huang Ju.

Although Jiang retained the chairmanship of the powerful Central Military Commission, most members of the commission are professional military men. Liberation Army Daily, a publication thought to represent the views of the CMC majority, printed an article on 11 March 2003 which quotes two army delegates as saying, "Having one center is called 'loyalty', while having two centers will result in 'problems.'"[13] This was widely interpreted as a criticism of Jiang's attempt to exercise dual leadership with Hu on the model of Deng Xiaoping.

Hu succeeded Jiang as President of the People's Republic of China on 15 March 2003. To the surprise of many observers, evidence of Jiang's continuing influence on public policy abruptly disappeared from the official media. Jiang was conspicuously silent during the SARS crisis, especially when compared to the very public profile of Hu and Wen Jiabao. It has been argued that the institutional arrangements created by the 16th Congress have left Jiang in a position where he cannot exercise much influence.[citation needed] Although many of the members of the Politburo Standing Committee are associated with him, the Standing Committee does not have command authority over the civilian bureaucracy.[citation needed]

On 19 September 2004, after a four-day meeting of the 198-member Central Committee, Jiang resigned as chairman of the CPC Central Military Commission, his last party post. Six months later he resigned his last significant post, chairman of the State CMC. This followed weeks of speculation that Hu Jintao's supporters in the Communist Party leadership were pressing Jiang to step aside. Jiang's term was supposed to have lasted until 2007. Hu also succeeded Jiang as the CMC chairman, but, in an apparent political defeat for Jiang, Xu Caihou, and not Zeng Qinghong was appointed to succeed Hu as vice chairman. This power transition officially marks the end of Jiang's era in China, which roughly lasted from 1993[citation needed] to 2004.

Although Jiang has been seldom seen in public since giving up his last official title in 2004, he was with Hu Jintao on stage at a ceremony celebrating the 80th anniversary of the founding of the People's Liberation Army,[14] and toured the Military Museum of the Chinese Peoples Revolution with Li Peng, Zhu Rongji, and other former senior officials.[15] On 8 August 2008, Jiang appeared at the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympics Games. He also stood beside Hu Jintao during 60th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China mass parade in October 2009.



In December 2010, following Jiang's absence at the funeral of former Chinese foreign minister Huang Hua, rumours began circulating about his demise. On 1 July 2011, he was once again conspicuously absent, this time from the celebrations to mark the 90th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party. Within days, Internet rumours began circulating that Jiang had died,[16] prompting Chinese censors to block searches for the words "Jiang Zemin", or even simply "Jiang". On 6 July Hong Kong media carried headlines that Jiang was "critically ill". That evening, terrestrial TV station ATV reported on its evening news bulletin that Jiang had died in Beijing.[17][18] Xinhua, official state news agency, quoting “authoritative sources”, declared that overseas media reports of Jiang's death were "pure rumour".[19][20][21]

Dissident website Boxun.com had reported on 6 July 2011 a source as saying: “Former leader Jiang died at midnight at Beijing 301 Hospital.” At approximately 3 pm, it issued a correction: “We reported that Jiang was in critical condition or died based on several sources, but a figure in Beijing called us at noon to inform us that his condition has improved.”[22][23]

On 9 October 2011, Jiang made his first public appearance since his premature obituary in Beijing at a celebration to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the Xinhai Revolution.[24]


Historians and biographers have disputed what can be accounted into "Jiang Zemin's legacy". Jiang himself had wanted his Three Represents theory, called an "important thought" on the Mainland, to become his ideological legacy. Although the theory has been codified into both the State and Party constitutions alongside Mao Zedong Thought and Deng Xiaoping Theory, its actual effect has yet to be assessed, and it seems to be losing ground to Hu Jintao's Scientific Development Concept and Harmonious Society ideologies within the party. Jiang has come under quiet criticism from within the Communist Party of China for focusing on economic growth at all costs while ignoring the resulting environmental damage of the growth, the widening gap between rich and poor in China and the social costs absorbed by those whom economic reform has left behind.[citation needed] By contrast, the policies of his successors, Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao have widely been seen as efforts to address these imbalances and move away from a sole focus on economic growth toward a broader view of development which incorporates non-economic factors such as health and the environment.[25]

Domestically, Jiang's legacy and reputation is mixed. While some[citation needed] people attribute the period of relative stability and growth in the 1990s to Jiang's term, others argue that Jiang did little to correct mistakes resulting from Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms, leaving the next administration facing innumerable problems, some of which are too late to adjust.[citation needed] The fact that he arose to power as the direct beneficiary of the turmoils of 4 June has not been forgotten by many in China. Indeed, he is in many circles regarded as a political opportunist; the very model of a new breed of party members directly associated with the widespread corruption and cronyism that flourished during his tenure. His interference with high profile corruption investigations since stepping down from power, such as those involving Shanghai tycoon Zhou Zhengyi, has only helped to reinforce this perception.

Jiang's obsession with image has also spurred a trend of face projects around the country, with local governments lending enormous funds to large and mostly unnecessary construction projects[citation needed]. While his showy nature has often been considered charming and even charismatic by the west,[26] in the relatively more conservative Chinese society it is often perceived as frivolous, pompous and lacking in character and substance. Jiang's Theory of Three Represents justified the incorporation of the new capitalist business class into the party, and changed the founding ideology of the CPC from protection of the peasantry and workers to that of the "overwhelming majority of the people", a euphemism aimed at including the growing entrepreneurial class. Conservative critics within the party have quietly denounced this as betrayal of the communist ideology, while reformers have praised Jiang as a visionary.[citation needed] Such a move, however, increasingly justified a newly found correlation between the business and ruling elites, thus significantly linking bureaucracy and financial gain, which critics argue fosters more corruption. Some have suggested that this is the part of Jiang's legacy that will last, at least in name, as long as the communists remain in power.[citation needed]

Many biographers of Jiang have noted that his government resembled an oligarchy as opposed to an autocratic dictatorship.[27] Many of his policies have been attributed to others in government[citation needed], notably Premier Zhu Rongji, whose tense relationship with Jiang was of widespread speculation, especially following Jiang's decision to suppress the Falun Gong movement.[citation needed] Jiang is often credited with the gains in foreign affairs during his term,[28] but at the same time many Chinese criticize him for being too conciliatory towards the United States and Russia. The issue of Chinese reunification between the mainland and Taiwan gained ground during Jiang's term,[citation needed] as Cross-Strait talks led to the eventual Three Links after Jiang stepped down as Party general secretary. The Qinghai-Tibet railway began construction under Jiang.

See also


  1. ^ Tomoyuki Kojima. China's Omnidirectional Diplomacy: Cooperation with all, Emphasis on Major Powers. Asia-Pacific Review, 1469–2937, Volume 8, Issue 2, 2001
  2. ^ a b "BBC: Profile: Jiang Zemin". BBC News. 19 September 2004. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/1832448.stm. Retrieved 7 March 2010. 
  3. ^ Kuhn, Robert Lawrence: The Man Who Changed China: The Life and Legacy of Jiang Zemin
  4. ^ "Book: Real Story of Jiang Zemin: Introduction(4)". Chinaview.wordpress.com. 25 August 2006. http://chinaview.wordpress.com/2006/08/25/book-real-story-of-jiang-zemin-introduction4/. Retrieved 7 March 2010. 
  5. ^ Kissinger, Henry (2001). "Chapter 17". On China. Penguin Press HC. ISBN 978-1594202711. 
  6. ^ Kissinger, Henry (2001). "Chapter 17". On China. Penguin Press HC. ISBN 978-1594202711. 
  7. ^ a b Anne-Marie Brady, Marketing Dictatorship: Propaganda and Thought Work in Contemporary China, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
  8. ^ Hong Kong Journalists Association: FOE Annual Report, 2001[dead link]
  9. ^ David Ownby, Falun Gong and the Future of China, 2008
  10. ^ ibid pg. 10 Ombudsman report, Canadian Broadcast Corp (citing Falun Gong and the Future of China by David Ownby page 219)
  11. ^ Argentine judge asks China arrests over Falun Gong Reuters, Reporting by Luis Andres Henao; editing by Fiona Ortiz and Mohammad Zargham, 22 December 2009
  12. ^ Xinhua:China's Jiang Zemin, Canada's Jean Chrétien discuss relations 21 October 2001.
  13. ^ http://media.hoover.org/documents/clm7_jm.pdf
  14. ^ China's leadership makes show of unity ahead of key Communist Party congress International Herald Tribune
  15. ^ Former Chinese President tours Military Museum CCTV International
  16. ^ "Where is Jiang Zemin?". Financial Times. 1 July 2011. http://blogs.ft.com/beyond-brics/2011/07/01/ccp-birthday-gala-wheres-jiang-zemin/. Retrieved 6 July 2011. 
  17. ^ Full ATV news broadcast on Jiang Zemin's death http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ymcc_Eawtgw
  18. ^ "Jiang's Rumours of Death Spread". Nihon Keizai Shimbun. 6 July 2011. http://www.nikkei.com/news/headline/article/g=96958A9C9381959FE2E4E2E6978DE2E4E2E5E0E2E3E39494E3E2E2E2. Retrieved 7 July 2011. 
  19. ^ Krishnan, Ananth (7 July 2011). "Reports of former president's death "pure rumour", says China, The Hindu
  20. ^ "Is China's Ex-Leader Jiang Zemin Dead? Local Censors Don't Want Any Speculation". Time Magazine. http://globalspin.blogs.time.com/2011/07/06/is-chinas-ex-leader-jiang-zemin-dead-local-censors-dont-want-any-speculation/. Retrieved 6 July 2011. 
  21. ^ "Rumour China's Jian Zemin has passed away". http://www.forexlive.com/blog/2011/07/06/rumour-chinas-jiang-zemin-has-passed-away/. Retrieved 6 July 2011. 
  22. ^ "Rumors on ex-Chinese leader`s death spread across China", Dong-A Il Bo. 7 July 2011
  23. ^ "Jiang Zemin Hospitalized, Near Death, Internet Rumors Say". The Epoch Times. 6 July 2011. http://www.theepochtimes.com/n2/china/jiang-zemin-hospitalized-near-death-internet-rumors-say-58690.html. Retrieved 6 July 2011. [unreliable source?]
  24. ^ [1]
  25. ^ Lam, Willy. Chinese Politics in the Hu Jintao era. pp. 44–46
  26. ^ "Washington Post: Jiang Zemin's Puzzlement". Highbeam.com. 25 March 2001. http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P2-415702.html. Retrieved 7 March 2010. 
  27. ^ Kuhn, 2004; Lam, 1997
  28. ^ "China under Jiang Zemin". Facts and Details. 1 October 1928. http://factsanddetails.com/china.php?itemid=76&catid=2&subcatid=7. Retrieved 7 March 2010. 

Further reading

  • Gilley, Bruce. "Tiger on the Brink: Jiang Zemin and China's New Elite." Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998. 395pp. This was the first biography of Jiang to appear in the West. A comprehensive and highly readable journalistic account of Jiang's early years, his ascendancy within the Party bureaucracy, and his ultimate rise to power as Deng Xiaoping's successor in the wake of Tiananmen.
  • Kuhn, Robert Lawrence = The Man Who Changed China: The Life and Legacy of Jiang Zemin, Random House (English edition) 2005. Century Publishing Group, Shanghai (Chinese edition) 2005. The book is a general biography of Jiang with a more favorable stance towards him.
    • China Daily = English language review of biography by Dr. Kuhn.
  • Lam, Willy Wo-Lap. "The Era of Jiang Zemin"; Prentice Hall, Singapore: 1999. General Jiang-era background information and analysis, not comprehensive biography.

External links

Party political offices
Preceded by
Rui Xingwen
Secretary of the CPC Shanghai Committee
1987 – 1989
Succeeded by
Zhu Rongji
Preceded by
Zhao Ziyang
General Secretary of the Communist Party of China
1989 – 2002
Succeeded by
Hu Jintao
Preceded by
Deng Xiaoping
Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China
1989 – 2004
Political offices
Preceded by
Wang Daohan
Mayor of Shanghai
1984 – 1987
Succeeded by
Zhu Rongji
Preceded by
Deng Xiaoping
Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the People's Republic of China
1990 – 2005
Succeeded by
Hu Jintao
Preceded by
Yang Shangkun
President of the People's Republic of China
1993 – 2003

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  • Jiang Zemin — (18. Juli 2000) Jiang Zemin (chinesisch 江澤民 / 江泽民 Jiāng Zémín, W. G. Chiang Tsê min; * 17. August 1926 in Yangzhou, Jiangsu) ist ein chinesischer Staatsmann und Politiker. Jiang …   Deutsch Wikipedia

  • Jiang Zemin — Secretario General del Partido Comunista Chino …   Wikipedia Español

  • Jiang Zemin —   [dʒjaȖ ], chinesischer Politiker, * Yangzhou (Provinz Jiangsu) 17. 8. 1926; Ingenieur; wurde 1982 Mitglied des ZK und 1987 des Politbüros der KPCh; 1983 85 Minister für Elektronikindustrie, ab 1985 Bürgermeister von Schanghai, 1987 89… …   Universal-Lexikon

  • Jiang Zemin — (né en 1926) homme politique chinois; secrétaire du parti communiste (1989), chef de l état (1993) …   Encyclopédie Universelle

  • Jiang Zemin — [jē äŋ′ zə min′] 1926 ; Chin. Communist leader: general secretary of the Communist Party (1989 2002); president of China (1993 2002) …   English World dictionary

  • Jiang Zemin — Dans ce nom chinois, le nom de famille, Jiang, précède le prénom. Jiang Zemin 江泽民 Jiang Zemin en 2000. Mandats …   Wikipédia en Français

  • Jiang Zemin — /jyahng zue min /, n. born 1926, Chinese Communist leader: general secretary of the Communist Party since 1989, president of China since 1993. * * * born Aug. 17, 1926, Yangzhou, Jiangsu, China General secretary of the Chinese Communist Party… …   Universalium

  • Jiang Zemin — Éste es un nombre chino; el apellido es Jiang. Jiang Zemin (chino simplificado: 江泽民, chino tradicional: 江澤民, pinyin: Jiāng Zémín) (Yangzhou, provincia de Jiangsu, 17 de agosto de 1926), político chino. Fue …   Enciclopedia Universal

  • Jiang Zemin — Jiang Ze|min (1926 ) a Chinese politician who became leader of China and the ↑Communist Party after ↑Deng Xiaoping died in 1997 …   Dictionary of contemporary English

  • Jiang Zemin — Jiang Ze•min [[t]ˈdʒyɑŋ ˈzœ ˈmɪn[/t]] n. big born 1926, Chinese Communist leader: general secretary of the Communist Party since 1989, president of China since 1993 …   From formal English to slang

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