Serbo-Croatian phonology

Serbo-Croatian phonology

Serbo-Croatian is a South Slavic language with four very similar national standards. This article deals exclusively with the Eastern Herzegovinian Neo-Shtokavian dialect, the basis for the official standard of Yugoslavia and its present-day forms of Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin, and Serbian.

All lexemes are spelled in accented form in both scripts (Gaj's Latin and Vuk's Cyrillic), as well as in both accents where these differ (Ijekavian and Ekavian, with Ijekavian bracketed). Translations are given as tooltips, and can be seen by hovering the cursor over a marked entry.



The consonant system of Serbo-Croatian has 25 phonemes. One peculiarity is a presence of both post-alveolar and palatal affricates, but a lack of corresponding palatal fricatives.[1]

Labial Alveolar Post-
Palatal Velar
Nasal /m/
m • м
n • н
nj • њ
Plosive /p/
p • п
b • б
t • т
d • д
k • к
g • г
Affricate /ts/
c • ц
č • ч
dž • џ
ć • ћ
đ • ђ
Fricative /f/
f • ф
s • с
z • з
š • ш
ž • ж
h • х
Approximant /ʋ/
v • в
j • ј
Lateral /l/
l • л
lj • љ
Trill /r/
r • р

/ʋ/ is often described as a (lowered) fricative [v̞],[1][2] which is phonetically closer than [ʋ]. However, it does not interact with unvoiced consonants in clusters as a fricative would, and so is considered to be an approximant phonologically.

/r/ can be syllabic, short or long, and carry rising or falling tone. E.g. kȓv • кр̑в "blood", sȑce • ср̏це "heart", sŕna • ср́на "deer", mȉlosr̄đe • ми̏лоср̄ђе "compassion". It is typically realized by inserting a preceding or (more rarely) succeeding non-phonemic vocalic glide.[3]

/l/ is generally velarized ("dark", [ɫ]).[4] Diachronically, it was fully vocalized into /o/ in coda positions, as in past participle *radil • радил : radio • радиo.[5] In some dialects, notably Torlakian, that process did not take place, and /l/ can be syllabic as well. However, in the standard language, vocalic /l/ appears only in loanwords, as in the name for the Czech river Vltava for instance, or дебакл • debakl, бицикл • bicikl. Very rarely other sonorants are syllabic, such as /ʎ̩/ in the surname Štarklj and /n̩/ in njutn "newton".

Alveolo-palatal fricatives [ɕ], [ʑ] are marginal phonemes, usually realized as [sj], [zj]. However, emerging Montenegrin standard has proposed two additional letters, Latin ⟨Ś⟩, ⟨Ź⟩ and Cyrillic ⟨Ć⟩, ⟨З́⟩, for the phonemic sequences /sj/, /zj/, which may be realized phonetically as [ɕ], [ʑ].

Voicing contrasts are neutralized in consonant clusters, so that all obstruents are either voiced or voiceless depending on the voicing of the final consonant, though this process of voicing assimilation may be blocked by syllable boundaries.


Vowel space of Serbo-Croatian from Landau et al. (1999:67). The dubious diphthong /ie/ is part of Croatian grammatical tradition. Schwa [ə] only occurs allophonically.

The Serbo-Croatian vowel system is symmetrically composed of five monophthongal vowels: a/а, e/е, i/и, o/о, u/у.[1] Although phonemic, the difference between long and short vowels is not represented in standard orthography.

Front Central Back
Close /i/ /u/
Mid /e̞/ /o̞/
Open /a/

The long Ijekavian reflex of Proto-Slavic jat is of disputed status. The prescriptive grammar Barić et al. (1997) published by the foremost Croatian normative body—the Institute of Croatian Language and Linguistics, describes it as a diphthong,[6] but this norm has been heavily criticized by phoneticians as having no foundation in the spoken language, the alleged diphthong being called a "phantom phoneme".[7] Thus the reflex of long jat, which is spelled as a trigraph ⟨ije⟩ in standard Croatian, Bosnian and Ijekavian Serbian, represents the sequence /jeː/. /j/ resulting from such a sequence can optionally palatalize the presiding /l/ and /n/, yielding dual pronunciations, e.g. mlijékoмлије́ко (< Proto-West-South-Slavic *mlěko) as both [mʎěːko] and [mljěːko].

All of the vowels can be long or short, and when stressed carry one of the two basic tones, rising and falling.

Pitch accent

Shtokavian dialects allow two tones on stressed syllables, and have distinctive vowel length, and so distinguish four combinations of these, called pitch accent: short falling ⟨◌̏⟩, short rising ⟨◌̀⟩, long falling ⟨◌̑⟩, and long rising ⟨◌́⟩. The accent is said to be relatively free as it can be manifested in any syllable but the last one. Accent alternations are very frequent in inflectional paradigms, both by quality and placement in the word (the so-called "mobile paradigms", which were present in the PIE itself but in Proto-Balto-Slavic have become much more widespread). Different inflected forms of the same lexeme can exhibit all four accents: lònacло̀нац (nominative sg.), lónca • ло́нца (genitive sg.), lȏnci • ло̑нци (nominative pl.), lȍnācā • ло̏на̄ц (genitive pl.).

Although distinctions of pitch only occur on stressed syllables, unstressed vowels maintain a length distinction. Pretonic syllables are always short, but posttonic syllables may be either short or long. These are traditionally counted as two additional accents. In the standard language, the six accents are realized as follows:

e [e] non-tonic short vowel
ē [eː] non-tonic long vowel
è [ě] short vowel with rising tone
é [ěː] long vowel with rising tone
ȅ [ê] short vowel with falling tone
ȇ [êː] long vowel with falling tone

Examples are short falling as in nȅbo 'sky' /ˈnêbo/; long falling as in pîvo 'beer' /ˈpîːvo/; short rising as in màskara 'eye makeup' /ˈmǎskara/; long rising as in čokoláda 'chocolate' /tʃokoˈlǎːda/. Unstressed long syllables can occur only after the accented syllable, as in d(j)èvōjka 'girl' /ˈd(ј)ěʋoːjka/ or dòstavljānje 'delivering' /ˈdǒstaʋʎaːɲe/. There can be more than one post-accent length in a word, notably in genitive plural of nouns: kȍcka 'cube' → kȍcākā 'of cubes'. Realization of the accents varies by region.

Restrictions on the distribution of the accent depend, beside the position of the syllable, also on its quality, as not every kind of accent can be manifested in every syllable.

  1. Falling tone generally occurs in monosyllabic words or the first syllable of a word (pȃsпа̑с, rȏgро̑г; bȁbaба̏ба, lȃđaла̑ђа; kȕćicaку̏ћица, Kȃrlovac • Ка̑рловац). The only exception to this rule are the interjections, i.e. words uttered in the state of excitement (e.g. ahȁ • аха̏, ohȏ • охо̑)
  2. Rising tone generally occurs in every syllable of a word except the ultimate and never in monosyllabics (vòdaво̀да, lȗkaлу̑ка; lìvadaлѝвада, lúpānjeлу́па̄ње; siròtaсиро̀та, počétakпоче́так; crvotòčinaцрвото̀чина, oslobođénjeослобође́ње).

Thus, monosyllabics generally have falling tone, whilst polysyllabics generally have falling or rising tone on the first syllable, and rising in all the other syllables but the last one. The tonal opposition rising ~ falling is hence generally only possible in the first accented syllable of polysyllabic words, while the opposition by lengths, long ~ short, is possible even in the non-accented syllable as well as in the post-accented syllable (but not in the pre-accented position).

Proclitics (clitics which latch on to a following word), on the other hand, may "steal" a falling tone (but not a rising tone) from the following mono- or disyllabic word. This stolen accent is always short, and may end up being either falling or rising on the proclitic. This phenomenon (accent shift to proclitic) is most frequent in the spoken idioms of Bosnia, in Serbian it is more limited (normally, with negation proclitic ne/не), and is almost absent from Croatian Neoštokavian idioms.[2] Short rising accent resists such shift better than the falling one (as seen in the example /ʒěliːm//ne ʒěliːm/)

in isolation with proclitic
Croatian Serbian Bosnian English
rising /ʒěliːm/ I want /neʒěliːm/ I don't want
/zǐːma/ winter /uzîːmu/ /ûziːmu/ in the winter
/nemɔɡǔːtɕnɔːst/ inability /unemɔɡǔːtɕnɔsti/ not being able to
falling /vîdiːm/ I see /něvidiːm/ I can't see
/ɡrâːd/ city /uɡrâːd/ /ûɡraːd/ to the city (stays falling)
/ʃûma/ forest /uʃûmi/ /ǔʃumi/ in the forest (becomes rising)

Morphophonemic alternations

Serbo-Croatian exhibits a number of morphophonological alternations. Some of them are inherited from Proto-Slavic and are shared with other Slavic languages, and some of them are exclusive to Serbo-Croatian, representing later innovation.

Fleeting a

The so-called "fleeting a" (Serbo-Croatian: nepóstojānō a • непо́стоја̄но̄ а), or "movable a", refers to the phenomenon of vowel /a/ making apparently random appearance and loss in certain inflected forms of nouns. This is a result of different types of reflexes Common Slavic jers */ъ/ and */ь/, which in Štokavian and Čakavian dialects merged to one schwa-like sound, which was lost in a weak position and vocalized to */a/ in a strong position, giving rise to what is apparently unpredictable alternation. In most of the cases, this has led to such /a/ appearing in word forms ending in consonant clusters, but not in forms with vowel ending.

The "fleeting a" is the most common in following cases:

  • in nominative singular, accusative singular for inanimate nouns, and genitive plural for certain type of masculine nouns:
    bóracбо́рац (nom. sg.) - bórca • бо́рца (gen. sg.) - bȏrācā • бо̑ра̄ца̄ (gen. pl.)
    mòmakмо̀мак (nom. sg.) - mòmka • мо̀мка (gen. sg.) - momákā • мома́ка̄ (gen. pl.)
    stòlacсто̀лац (nom. sg.) - stólca • сто́лца (gen. sg.) - stȍlācā • сто̏ла̄ца̄ (gen. pl.)
  • in genitive plural forms of certain feminine nouns:
    dàskaда̀ска - dasákā • даса́ка̄, sèstraсѐстра - sestárā • сеста́ра̄, bȁčvaба̏чва - bȁčāvā • ба̏ча̄ва̄
  • in nominative singular indefinite masculine forms of adjectives and pronouns:
    kràtakкра̀так - kràtkī • кра̀ткӣ, kàkāvка̀ка̄в - kàkvi • ка̀кви, sȁvса̏в - svȉ • сви̏

The only exceptions are some borrowed words:

mànijākма̀нија̄к - mànijāka • ма̀нија̄ка (gen. sg.) - mànijāci • ма̀нија̄ци (nom. pl.)


The reflex of the Slavic first palatalization was retained in Serbo-Croatian as an alternation of

/k/ → /č/
/g/ → /ž/
/h/ → /š/

before /e/ in inflection, and before /j/, /i/, /e/ and some other segments in word formation.[8] This alternation is prominently featured in several characteristic cases:

  • in vocative singular of masculine nouns, where it is triggered by the ending -e/-е:
    jùnākју̀на̄к → jȕnāče • ју̏на̄че,  vrȃgвра̑г → vrȃže • вра̑же,  òrahо̀рахòraše • о̀раше. It is, however, not caused by the same ending -e • -е in accusative plural: junáke • јуна́ке, vrȃge • вра̑ге,[9] òrahe • о̀рахе.
  • in the present stem of certain verbs before the endings in -e- • -е-:
    • pȅćiпе̏ћи - present stem pèk- • пѐк-; pèčēm • пѐче̄м, but pèkū • пѐкӯ without palatalization before the 3rd person plural ending -u
    • strȉćiстри̏ћи - present stem stríg- • стри́г-; strížem • стри́жем, but strígū • стри́гӯ without palatalization before the 3rd person plural ending -u
    • mȍćiмо̏ћи - present stem mog- • мог-; mȍžeš • мо̏жеш, but mògu • мо̀гу, without the palatalization before the archaic 1st person singular ending -u
  • in aorist formation of some verbs:
    • rȅćiре̏ћи - rèkoh • рѐкох (1st person singular aorist), as opposed to rȅče • ре̏че (2nd/3rd person singular aorist)
    • stȉćiсти̏ћи - stȉgoh • сти̏гох (1st person singular aorist), as opposed to stȉže • сти̏же (2nd/3rd person singular aorist)
  • in derivation of certain classes of nouns and verbs:
  • before the "fleeting a", and before the endings -an • -ан, -ji • -ји and several others:
    • dȃh • да̑хdášak • да́шакKartága • Карта́гаKartážanin • Карта́жанинbȏg • бо̑гbȍžjī • бо̏жјӣstrȃh • стра̑хstrášan • стра́шан
  • a few words exhibit palatalization in which /c/ and /z/ palatalize before vowels /e/ and /i/, yielding /č/ and /ž/. Such /c/ and /z/ result from earlier /k/ and /g/ by Slavic third palatalization, which was chronologically actually the first Slavic palatalization process (its name is a misnomer). Such palatals have often been leveled out in various derived forms. For example:
    • strȋc • стри̑ц - strȋče • стри̑че - stríčev • стри́чевlòvac • ло̀вац - lȏvče • ло̑вче - lóvčev • ло́вчевzȇc • зе̑ц - zȇče • зе̑че - zȅčevi • зе̏чевиȕlica • у̏лица - ȕličica • у̏личицаptȉca • пти̏ца - ptȉčica • пти̏чица - ptičùrina • птичу̀рина
    • vȉtēz • ви̏те̄з - vȉtēže • ви̏те̄жеknȇz • кне̑з - knȇže • кне̑же

There are some exceptions to the process of palatalization. The conditions are:

  • before the suffix -ica • -ица
    • mȁčka • ма̏чкаmȁčkica • ма̏чкицаp(j)ȅga • п(ј)е̏гаp(j)ȅgica • п(ј)е̏гицаbùha • бу̀хаbùhica • бу̀хица
  • before the suffix -in • -ин in adjectives derived from hypocoristic nouns:
    • báka • ба́каbákīn • ба́кӣнzéko • зе́коzékīn • зе́кӣнmáca • ма́цаmácin • ма́цин

Doublets exist with adjectives derived with suffix -in • -ин from trisyllabic proper names:

  • Dànica • Да̀ница → Dàničin • Да̀ничин : Dànicin • Да̀ницин,  Ȉvica • Ȉвица → Ȉvičin • Ȉвичин : Ȉvicin • Ȉвицин,  Ànkica • Àнкица → Ànkičin • Àнкичин : Ànkicin • Àнкицин


The output of the second and the third Slavic palatalization is in the Serbo-Croatian grammar tradition known as "sibilantization" (sibilarizácija/сибилариза́ција). It results in the following alternations:

/k/ → /ts/
/g/ → /z/
/h/ → /s/

before /i/. This alternation is prominently featured in several characteristic cases:

  • in the imperative forms of verbs with stem ending in /k/, /g/ and one verb in /h/:
    • pȅći • пе̏ћи - present stem pèk- • пѐк-; pèci • пѐци (2nd person singular imperative)
    • strȉći • стри̏ћи - present stem stríg- • стри́г-; strízi • стри́зи (2nd person singular imperative)
    • vȓći • вр̑ћи - present stem vŕh- • вр́х-; vŕsi • вр́си (2nd person singular imperative)
  • in masculine nominative plurals with the ending -i • -и:
    jùnāk • ју̀на̄кjunáci • јуна́ци, kr̀čag • кр̀чагkr̀čazi • кр̀чази, prȍpūh • про̏пӯхprȍpūsi • про̏пӯси
  • in dative and locative singular of a-stem nouns (prevalently feminine):
    mȃjka • ма̑јкаmȃjci • ма̑јци, nòga • но̀гаnòzi • но̀зи, snàha • сна̀хаsnàsi • сна̀си
  • in dative, locative and instrumental of masculine o-stems:
    jùnāk • ју̀на̄кjunácima • јуна́цима, kr̀čag • кр̀чагkr̀čazima • кр̀чазима
  • in the formation of imperfective verbs to perfective verbs
    dȉgnuti • ди̏гнути - dȉzati • ди̏зати,  uzdàhnuti • узда̀хнути - ùzdisati • у̀здисати (but first-person singular present: ùzdišēm • у̀здише̄м)

In two cases there is an exception to sibilantization:

  • in nominative singular of masculine nouns:
    • in monosyllabic borrowings:
      Bȁsk • Ба̏ск → Bȁski • Ба̏ски, brȍnh • бро̏нх → brȍnhi • бро̏нхи, ȅrg • е̏рг → ȅrgi • е̏рги
    • in toponyms in plural form, usually from a region where Kajkavian dialect is spoken:
      Čȅhi • Че̏хи, Nȍvāki • Но̏ва̄ки
    • some surnames that are not identical to some general noun of the standard language
      Srȅćko • Сре̏ћко → Srȅćki • Сре̏ћки, Zelénko • Зеле́нко → Zelénki • Зеле́нки
    • with nouns having 'fleeting a' in the ending -cak • -цак
      natucak • натуцак → natucki • натуцки
  • in dative and locative case of feminine and masculine a-stems
    • in hypocorisms
      báka • ба́ка → báki • ба́ки, séka • се́ка → séki • се́ки, bráco • бра́цо → bráci • бра́ци, zéko • зе́ко → zéki • зе́ки, stríko • стри́ко → stríki • стри́ки
    • in words whose stem ends in a single consonant:
      dȅka • де̏ка → dȅki • де̏ки, kȕka • ку̏ка → kȕki • ку̏ки, koléga • коле́га → kolégi • коле́ги, pjȅga • пје̏га → pjȅgi • пје̏ги, zȃliha • за̑лиха → zȃlihi • за̑лихи
    • in names and surnames
      Jȇlka • Је̑лка → Jȇlki • Је̑лки, Lȗka • Лу̑ка → Lȗki • Лу̑ки, Jȁdrānka • Ја̏дра̄нка → Jȁdrānki • Ја̏дра̄нки
    • in nouns ending in -cka • -цка, -čka • -чка, -ćka • -ћка, -ska • -ска, -tka • -тка, -zga • -зга:
      kȍcka • ко̏цка → kȍcki • ко̏цки, tȍčka • то̏чка → tȍčki • то̏чки, prȁćka • пра̏ћка → prȁćki • пра̏ћки, pljȕska • пљу̏ска → pljȕski • пљу̏ски, pȁtka • па̏тка → pȁtki • па̏тки, màzga • ма̀зга → màzgi • ма̀зги
    • in some toponyms
      Kȑka • Кр̏ка → Kȑki • Кр̏ки, Kartága • Карта́га → Kartági • Карта́ги
    • in nouns ending in suffix -ka with stem-final sonorant:
      intelektùālka • интелекту̀а̄лка → intelektùālki • интелекту̀а̄лки, kàjkāvka • ка̀јка̄вка → kàjkāvki • ка̀јка̄вки, srednjòškōlka • средњо̀шко̄лка → srednjòškōlki • средњо̀шко̄лки

Doublets are allowed in the following cases:

  • nominative plural of some masculine borrowings:
    flamìngo • фламѝнго → flamìnzi • фламѝнзи : flamìngi • фламѝнги
  • in nominative plural of surnames who are identical with some general masculine noun:
    Bȅg • Бе̏г → Bȅgi • Бе̏ги : Bȅzi • Бе̏зи, Dȕh • Ду̏х → Dȕhi • Ду̏хи : Dȕsi • Ду̏си
  • in nominative plural of masculine nouns with "fleeting a" and the ending -čak • -чак, -ćak • -ћак or -đak • -ђак
    máčak • ма́чак → máčki • ма́чки : máčci • ма́чци, òplećak • о̀плећак → òplećki • о̀плећки : òplećci • о̀плећци, omeđak • омеђак → omećki • омећки : omećci • омећци
  • in dative and locative of some feminine foponyms with stem ending in a single consonant:
    Líka • Ли́ка → Líci • Ли́ци : Líki • Ли́ки
  • in dative and locative of some toponyms ending in -ska • -ска, -ška • -шка:
    Àljaska • Àљаска → Àljaski • Àљаски : Àljasci • Àљасци, Gràdiška • Гра̀дишка → Gràdiški • Гра̀дишки : Gràdišci • Гра̀дишци
  • in dative and locative of some feminines ending in -ska • -ска, -tka • -тка, -vka • -вка:
    gȕska • гу̏ска → gȕski • гу̏ски : gȕsci • гу̏сци, bȉtka • би̏тка → bȉtki • би̏тки : bȉ(t)ci • би̏(т)ци, trȃvka • тра̑вка → trȃvci • тра̑вци : trȃvki • тра̑вки




There are two types of consonant assimilation: by voicing (jednačenje po zvučnosti) and by place of articulation (jednačenje po mestu tvorbe).

Assimilation by voicing

All consonants in clusters are neutralized by voicing, but Serbo-Croatian does not exhibit final obstruent devoicing as most other Slavic Languages.[10] Assimilation is practically always regressive, i.e. voicing of the group is determined by voicing of the last consonant.[11] Sonants are exempted from assimilation, so it affects only the following consonants:

  • /b/ ↔ /p/
    kobac • кобац → kobca • кобца : kopca • копца (nominative → genitive, with fleeting a)
    top • топ + džija • џија → topdžija • топџија : tobdžija • тобџија
  • /g/ ↔ /k/,
    burek • бурек + džija • џија → burekdžija • бурекџија : buregdžija • бурегџија
  • /d/ ↔ /t/
    pod- • под- + platiti • платити → podplatiti • подплатити : potplatiti • потплатити
  • /dʑ/ ↔ /tɕ/
    vrač • врач + -bina • -бина → vračbina • врачбина : vradžbina • враџбина
  • /ʒ/ ↔ /ʃ/
    težak • тежак → težki • тежки : teški • тешки (singular → plural, with fleeting a)
  • /z/ ↔ /s/
    uzak • узак → uzki • узки : uski • уски (singular → plural, with fleeting a)
    s- • с- + baciti • бацити → sbaciti • сбацити : zbaciti • збацити
  • /dʒ/ ↔ /tʃ/
    uč • уч + -benik • -беник → učbenik • учбеник : udžbenik • уџбеник

Furthermore, /f/, /x/ and /ts/ don't have voiced counterparts, so they trigger the assimilation, but are not affected by it.[11]

As can be seen above, assimilation is generally reflected in orthography. However, there are numerous orthographic exceptions, i.e. even if voicing or devoicing does take place in speech, the orthography does not record it, usually to maintain the etymology clearer.

Assimilation by place of articulation

Assimilation by place of articulation affects /s/ and /z/ in front of (post)alveolars /ʃ/, /ʒ/, /tʃ/, /dʒ/, /tɕ/, /dʑ/, as well as palatals /ʎ/ and /ɲ/, rendering /ʃ/ or /ʒ/:[11]

  • /s/ → /ʃ/
    pas • пас + -če • -че → pašče • пашче
    list • лист + -je • -је → listće • листће : lisće • лисће : lišće • лишће
    prositi • просити + -nja • -ња → prosnja • просња : prošnja • прошња
    snositi • сносити + -ljiv • -љив → snosljiv • сносљив : snošljiv • сношљив
  • /z/ → /ʒ/
    miraz • мираз + -džika • -џика → mirazdžika • миразџика : miraždžika • миражџика
    grozd • грозд + -je • -je → grozđe • грозђе : grožđe • грожђе
    paziti • пазити + -nja • -ња → paznja • пазња : pažnja • пажња
    paziti • пазити + -ljiv • -љив → pazljiv • пазљив : pažljiv • пажљив

Simultaneously, assimilation by voicing is triggered if necessary.


A historical /l/ in coda position has become /o/ and is now so spelled, and produces an additional syllable. For example, the Serbo-Croatian name of Belgrade is Beograd. However, in Croatian, the process is partially reversed; compare Croatian stol, vol, sol vs. Serbian sto, vo, so (meaning "table", "ox" and "salt").

See also


  1. ^ a b c d Bruce Morén (2005), Consonant-Vowel Interactions in Serbian: Features, Representations and Constraint Interactions, Center for Advanced Study of Theoretical Linguistics, Tromsø, 
  2. ^ a b Wayles Brown and Theresa Alt (2004), A Handbook of Bosnian, Serbian and Croatian, SEELRC, 
  3. ^ Trubetskoi, Nikolai S (1969), Principles of phonology. (Grundzüge der Phonologie), University of California Press, p. 59, 
  4. ^ Diana Archangeli, Jeff Berry. "Dark and light /l/s in Georgian". University of Arizona. p. 5. 
  5. ^ Wyn Johnson, David Britain (2007), "L-vocalisation as a natural phenomenon: explorations in sociophonology", Language Sciences (29): 304, 
  6. ^ Barić et al. (1997:49) "Prednji je i složeni samoglasnik, dvoglasnik (diftong) ie. Pri njegovu su izgovoru govorni organi najprije u položaju sličnom kao pri izgovoru glasa i, a onda postupno prelaze u položaj za izgovor glasa e. U hrvatskom književnom jeziku dvoglasnik je ie ravan diftong."
  7. ^ Kapović (2007:66) "Iako se odraz dugoga jata u kojem ijekavskom govoru možda i može opisati kao dvoglas, on tu u standardu sasma sigurno nije. Taj tobožnji dvoglas treba maknuti iz priručnikâ standardnoga jezika jer nema nikakve koristi od uvođenja fantomskih fonema bez ikakve podloge u standardnojezičnoj stvarnosti."
  8. ^ Browne (1993:312)
  9. ^ This is stylistically marked form: the usual plural form of vrȃg • вра̑г is with -ov- interfix: vrȁgovi • вра̏гови; accusative plural: vrȁgove • вра̏гове, but the infix is inhibiting the environment conditioning the palatalization, so the short plural form was provided.
  10. ^ Kenstowicz, Abu-Mansour, and Törkenczy, Two notes on laryngeal licensing, MIT, p. 7, 
  11. ^ a b c "Jednačenje suglasnika po zvučnosti" (in Serbian). 


  • Browne, Wayles (1993), "Serbo-Croat", in Comrie, Bernard; Corbett, Greville G., The Slavonic languages, London: Routledge, ISBN 978-0415280785 
  • Alexander, Ronelle (2006), Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian - A Grammar with Sociolinguistic Commentary, The University of Wisconsin Press 
  • Magner, Thomas F. (1998), Introduction to the Croatian and Serbian Language, Pennsylvania State University Press 
  • Barić, Eugenija; Lončarić, Mijo; Malić, Dragica; Znika, Marija; Zečević, Vesna; Pavešić, Slavko; Peti, Mirko (1997) (in Croatian), Hrvatska gramatika, Školska knjiga, ISBN 953-0-40010-1 
  • Kapović, Mate (2007), "Hrvatski standard - evolucija ili revolucija? Problem hrvatskoga pravopisa i pravogovora" (in Croatian), Jezikoslovlje 8 (1): 61–76, 
  • Landau, Ernestina; Lončarića, Mijo; Horga, Damir; Škarić, Ivo (1999), "Croatian", Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: A guide to the use of the International Phonetic Alphabet, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 66–69, ISBN 0-521-65236-7 
  • Petrović, Dragoljub; Snežana, Gudurić (2010), Fonologija srpskoga jezika, Belgrade: Institut za srpski jezik SANU, ISBN 978-86-7590-25-60 

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