Irish phonology

The phonology of the Irish language varies from dialect to dialect; there is no standard pronunciation of the language. Therefore, this article focuses on phenomena that pertain generally to most or all dialects, and on the major differences among the dialects. Detailed discussion of the dialects can be found in the specific articles: Ulster Irish, Connacht Irish, and Munster Irish.

Irish phonology has been studied as a discipline since the late 19th century, with numerous researchers publishing descriptive accounts of dialects from all regions where the language is spoken. More recently, theoretical linguists have also turned their attention to Irish phonology, producing a number of books, articles, and doctoral theses on the topic.

One of the most important aspects of Irish phonology is the fact that almost all consonants come in pairs, with one having a "broad" pronunciation and the other a "slender" one. Broad consonants are velarized, that is, the back of the tongue is pulled back and slightly up in the direction of the soft palate while the consonant is being articulated. Slender consonants are palatalized, which means the tongue is pushed up toward the hard palate during the articulation. The contrast between broad and slender consonants is crucial in Irish, because the meaning of a word can change if a broad consonant is substituted for a slender consonant or vice versa. For example, the only difference in pronunciation between the words _ga. "bó" "cow" and _ga. "beo" "alive" is that _ga. "bó" is pronounced with a broad "b" sound, while _ga. "beo" is pronounced with a slender "b" sound. The contrast between broad and slender consonants plays a critical role not only in distinguishing the individual consonants themselves, but also in the pronunciation of the surrounding vowels, in the determination of which consonants can stand next to which other consonants, and in the behavior of words that begin with a vowel.

The Irish language shares a number of phonological characteristics with its nearest linguistic relatives, Scottish Gaelic and Manx, as well as with Hiberno-English, the language with which it is most closely in contact.

History of the discipline

Until the end of the nineteenth century, linguistic discussions of Irish focused either on the traditional grammar of the language (issues like the inflection of nouns, verbs and adjectives) or on the historical development of sounds from Proto-Indo-European through Proto-Celtic to Old Irish. The first descriptive analysis of the phonology of an Irish dialect was Harvcoltxt|Finck|1899, which was based on the author's fieldwork in the Aran Islands. This was followed by Harvcoltxt|Quiggin|1906, a phonetic description of the dialect of Meenawannia near Glenties, County Donegal. Harvcoltxt|Pedersen|1909 is predominantly a historical account, but has some description of modern dialects as well. Alf Sommerfelt published early descriptions of both Ulster and Munster varieties (Harvcolnb|Sommerfelt|1922 and Harvcolnb|Sommerfelt|1965 for the village of Torr in Gweedore, Harvcolnb|Sommerfelt|1927 for Munster, and Harvcolnb|Sommerfelt|1929 for the now extinct dialect of South Armagh). The dialect of Dunquin on the Dingle Peninsula was described by Harvcoltxt|Sjoestedt|1931. From 1944 to 1968 the Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies published a series of monographs, each describing the phonology of one local dialect: Harvcoltxt|Ó Cuív|1944 for West Muskerry in County Cork (Ballyvourney, Coolea and vicinity), Harvcoltxt|de Bhaldraithe|1966 (first published 1945) for Cois Fhairrge in Connemara (Barna, Spiddal, Inverin and vicinity), Harvcoltxt|Breatnach|1947 for Ring in County Waterford, Harvcoltxt|de Búrca|1958 for Tourmakeady in County Mayo, Harvcoltxt|Wagner|1959 for Teelin in County Donegal, Harvcoltxt|Mhac an Fhailigh|1968 for Erris in County Mayo. More recent descriptive phonology has been published by Harvcoltxt|Lucas|1979 for Rosguill in northern Donegal, Harvcoltxt|Hughes|1986 for Tangaveane and Commeen (also near Glenties), Harvcoltxt|Ó Curnáin|1996 for Iorras Aithneach in Connemara (Kilkieran and vicinity), and Harvcoltxt|Ó Sé|2000 for the Dingle Peninsula in County Kerry.

Consonants

Most dialects of Irish contain at a minimum the consonant phonemes shown in the following chart (see International Phonetic Alphabet for an explanation of the symbols). Symbols appearing in the upper half of each row are velarized or "broad", while those in the bottom half are palatalized or "slender". The consonant IPA|/h/ is neither broad nor slender.

In addition, where a vowel is nasalized because it is adjacent to a nasal consonant, it often retains its nasalization in related forms where the consonant is no longer nasal. For example, the nasal IPA|/m/ of _ga. "máthair" IPA| [ˈmãːhəɾʲ] "mother" is replaced by nonnasal IPA|/w/ in the phrase _ga. "a mháthair" IPA| [ə ˈwãːhəɾʲ] "his mother", but the vowel remains nasalized Harvcol|Quiggin|1906|p=65. Similarly, in _ga. "sneachta" IPA| [ˈʃnʲãxt̪ˠə] "snow" the vowel after the IPA|/nʲ/ is nasalized, while in _ga. "an tsneachta" IPA| [ə ˈtʲɾʲãxt̪ˠə] "the snow" (genitive), the IPA|/nʲ/ is replaced by IPA|/ɾʲ/ in some dialects, but the nasalized vowel remains Harvcol|de Bhaldraithe|1966|p=46.

Phonotactics

The most interesting aspects of Irish phonotactics revolve around the behavior of consonant clusters. Here it is important to distinguish between clusters that occur at the beginnings of words and those that occur after vowels, although there is overlap between the two groups.

Word-initial consonant clusters

Irish words can begin with clusters of two or three consonants. In general, all the consonants in a cluster agree in their quality, i.e. either all are broad or all are slender. Two-consonant clusters consist of an obstruent consonant followed by a liquid or nasal consonant (however, labial obstruents may not be followed by a nasal); examples (from Harvcolnb|Ní Chiosáin|1999) include _ga. "bleán" IPA|/bʲlʲaːn/ "milking", _ga. "breá" IPA|/bʲɾʲaː/ "fine", _ga. "cnaipe" IPA|/ˈkn̪ˠapʲə/ "button", _ga. "dlí" IPA|/dʲlʲiː/ "law", _ga. "gnáth" IPA|/ɡn̪ˠaː/ "usual", _ga. "pleidhce" IPA|/ˈpʲlʲəicə/ "idiot", _ga. "slios" IPA|/ʃlʲɪsˠ/ "slice", _ga. "sneachta" IPA|/ˈʃnʲaxt̪ˠə/ "snow", _ga. "tlúth" IPA|/t̪ˠl̪ˠuː/ "poker", and _ga. "tnúth" IPA|/t̪ˠn̪ˠuː/ "long for". In addition, IPA|/sˠ/ and IPA|/ʃ/ may be followed by a voiceless stop, as in _ga. "sparán" IPA|/ˈsˠpˠaɾˠaːn̪ˠ/ "purse" and _ga. "scéal" IPA|/ʃceːl̪ˠ/ "story". Further, the cluster IPA|/mˠn̪ˠ/ occurs in the word _ga. "mná" IPA|/mˠn̪ˠaː/ "women" and a few forms related to it. Three-consonant clusters consist of IPA|/sˠ/ or IPA|/ʃ/ plus a voiceless stop plus a liquid. Examples include _ga. "scliúchas" IPA|/ˈʃclʲuːxəsˠ/ "rumpus", _ga. "scread" IPA|/ʃcɾʲad̪ˠ/ "scream", _ga. "splanc" IPA|/sˠpˠl̪ˠaŋk/ "flash", _ga. "spraoi" IPA|/sˠpˠɾˠiː/ "fun", and _ga. "stríoc" IPA|/ʃtʲɾʲiːk/ "streak".

In the environment of an initial consonant mutation, there is a much wider range of possible onset clusters (Harvnb|Ní Chiosáin|1999, Harvcolnb|Ó Sé|2000|p=33), for example in a lenition environment the following occur: _ga. "bhlas" IPA|/wl̪ˠasˠ/ "tasted", _ga. "bhris" IPA|/vʲɾʲɪʃ/ "broke", _ga. "chleacht" IPA|/çlʲaxt̪ˠ/ "practiced", _ga. "chrom" IPA|/xɾˠɔmˠ/ "bent", _ga. "ghreamaigh" IPA|/ˈjɾʲamˠə/ "stuck", _ga. "ghníomhaigh" IPA|/ˈjnʲiːwə/ "acted", _ga. "shleamhnaigh" IPA|/hlʲəun̪ˠə/ "slipped", _ga. "shnámh" IPA|/hn̪ˠaːw/ "swam", _ga. "shroich" IPA|/hɾˠɪç/ "reached". In an eclipsis environment the following are found: _ga. "mbláth" IPA|/mˠl̪ˠaː/ "flower", _ga. "mbliana" IPA|/ˈmʲlʲiən̪ˠə/ "years", _ga. "mbrisfeá" IPA|/ˈmʲɾʲɪʃaː/ "you would break", _ga. "ndlúth" IPA|/n̪ˠl̪ˠuː/ "warp", _ga. "ndroichead" IPA|/ˈn̪ˠɾˠɔhəd̪ˠ/ "bridge", _ga. "ndréimire" IPA|/ˈnʲɾʲeːmʲəɾʲə/ "ladder", _ga. "ngléasfá" IPA|/ˈɲlʲeːsˠaː/ "you would dress", _ga. "ngreadfá" IPA|/ˈɲɾʲat̪ˠaː/ "you would leave", _ga. "ngníomhófá" IPA|/ˈɲnʲiːwoːhaː/ "you would act".

Under lenition, IPA|/sˠn̪ˠ, ʃnʲ/ become IPA|/hn̪ˠ, hnʲ/ as expected in these dialects, but after the definite article "an" they become IPA|/t̪ˠɾˠ, tʲɾʲ/: _ga. "sneachta" IPA|/ʃnʲaxt̪ˠə/ "snow", _ga. "shneachta" IPA|/hnʲaxt̪ˠə/ "snow" (lenited form), _ga. "an tsneachta" IPA|/ə tʲɾʲaxt̪ˠə/ "the snow" (genitive).

Post-vocalic consonant clusters and epenthesis

There is no epenthesis, however, if the vowel preceding the cluster is long or a diphthong: _ga. "fáirbre" IPA|/ˈfˠaːɾʲbʲɾʲə/ "wrinkle", _ga. "téarma" IPA|/ˈtʲeːɾˠmˠə/ "term", _ga. "léargas" IPA|/ˈlʲeːɾˠɡəsˠ/ "insight", _ga. "dualgas" IPA|/ˈd̪ˠuəl̪ˠɡəsˠ/ "duty". There is also no epenthesis into words that are at least three syllables long: _ga. "firmimint" IPA|/ˈfʲɪɾʲmʲəmʲənʲtʲ/ "firmament", _ga. "smiolgadán" IPA|/ˈsˠmʲɔl̪ˠɡəd̪ˠaːn̪ˠ/ "throat", _ga. "caisearbhán" IPA|/ˈkaʃəɾˠwaːn̪ˠ/ "dandelion", _ga. "Cairmilíteach" IPA|/ˈkaɾʲmʲəlʲiːtʲəx/ "Carmelite".

Phonological processes

Vowel-initial words

Vowel-initial words in Irish exhibit behavior that has led linguists to suggest that the vowel sound they begin with on the surface is not actually the first sound in the word at a more abstract level. Specifically, when a clitic ending in a consonant precedes a word beginning with the vowel, the consonant of the clitic surfaces as either broad or slender, depending on the specific word in question. For example, the "n" of the definite article _ga. "an" "the" is slender before the word _ga. "iontais" "wonder" but broad before the word _ga. "aois" "age" Harvcol|Ní Chiosáin|1991|pp=80–82: _ga. "an iontais" IPA|/ənʲ ˈiːn̪ˠt̪ˠəʃ/ "the wonder" (genitive) vs. _ga. "an aois" IPA|/ən̪ˠ ˈiːʃ/ "the age".

One analysis of these facts Harvcol|Ní Chiosáin|1991|p=83 is that vowel-initial words actually begin, at an abstract level of representation, with a kind of "empty" consonant that consists of nothing except the information "broad" or "slender". Another analysis (Harvcolnb|Ó Siadhail|Wigger|1975|pp=98–99, Harvcolnb|Ó Siadhail|1989|pp=64–65) is that vowel-initial words, again at an abstract level, all begin with one of two semivowels, one triggering palatalization and the other triggering velarization of a preceding consonant.

Lengthening before fortis sonorants

Because vowels behave differently before broad sonorants than before slender ones in many cases, and because there is generally no lengthening (except by analogy) when the sonorants are followed by a vowel, there is a variety of vowel alternations between different related word-forms. For example, in Dingle Harvcol|Ó Sé|2000|pp=40–42 _ga. "ceann" "head" is pronounced IPA|/cəun̪ˠ/ with a diphthong, but _ga. "cinn" (the genitive singular of the same word) is pronounced IPA|/ciːnʲ/ with a long vowel, while _ga. "ceanna" (the plural, meaning "heads") is pronounced IPA|/ˈcan̪ə/ with a short vowel.

This lengthening has received a number of different explanations within the context of theoretical phonology. All accounts agree that some property of the fortis sonorant is being transferred to the preceding vowel, but the details about what property that is vary from researcher to researcher. Harvcoltxt|Ó Siadhail|Wigger|1975|pp=89–90 (repeated in Harvcolnb|Ó Siadhail|1989|pp=48–50) argue that the fortis sonorant is tense (a term only vaguely defined in phonetics) and that this tenseness is transferred to the vowel, where it is realized phonetically as vowel length and/or diphthongization. Harvcoltxt|Ní Chiosáin|1991|pp=188–95 argues that the triggering consonant is underlying associated with a unit of syllable weight called a "mora"; this mora then shifts to the vowel, creating a long vowel or a diphthong. Harvcoltxt|Carnie|2002 expands on that analysis to argue that the fortis sonorants have an advanced tongue root (that is, the bottom of the tongue is pushed upward during articulation of the consonant) and that diphthongization is an articulatory effect of this tongue movement.

Devoicing

Where a voiced obstruent or IPA|/w/ comes into contact with IPA|/h/, the IPA|/h/ is absorbed into the other sound, which then becomes voiceless (in the case of IPA|/w/, devoicing is to IPA|/fˠ/). Devoicing is found most prominently in the future of first conjugation verbs (where the IPA|/h/ sound is represented by the letter "f") and in the formation of verbal adjectives (where the sound is spelled "th"). For example, the verb _ga. "scuab" IPA|/sˠkuəbˠ/ "sweep" ends in the voiced consonant IPA|/bˠ/, but its future tense _ga. "scuabfaidh" IPA|/ˈsˠkuəpˠəɟ/ "will sweep" and verbal adjective _ga. "scuabtha" IPA|/ˈsˠkuəpˠə/ "swept" have the voiceless consonant IPA|/pˠ/ Harvcol|Breatnach|1947|pp=137–38.

andhi

Irish exhibits a number of external sandhi effects, i.e. phonological changes across word boundaries, particularly in rapid speech. The most common type of sandhi in Irish is assimilation, which means that a sound changes its pronunciation in order to become more similar to an adjacent sound. One type of assimilation in Irish is found when a coronal consonant (one of "d, l, n, r, s, t") changes from being broad to being slender before a word that begins with a slender coronal consonant, or from being slender to being broad before a word that begins with a broad coronal consonant. For example, _ga. "feall" IPA|/fʲal̪ˠ/ "deceive" ends with a broad "ll", but in the phrase _ga. "d'fheall sé orm" IPA| [dʲal̠ʲ ʃə ɔɾˠəmˠ] "it deceived me" the "ll" has become slender because the following word, _ga. "sé", starts with a slender coronal consonant Harvcol|Quiggin|1906|pp=146–50.

The consonant "n" may also assimilate to the place of articulation of a following consonant, becoming labial before a labial consonant, palatal before a palatal consonant, and velar before a velar consonant Harvcol|de Búrca|1958|pp=65–68. For example, the "nn" of _ga. "ceann" IPA|/can̪ˠ/ "one" becomes IPA| [mˠ] in _ga. "ceann bacach" IPA| [camˠ ˈbˠakəx] "a lame one" and IPA| [ŋ] in _ga. "ceann carrach" IPA| [caŋ ˈkaɾˠəx] "a scabbed one". A voiced consonant at the end of a word may become voiceless when the next word begins with a voiceless consonant Harvcol|Finck|1899|p=123–24, as in _ga. "lúb sé" IPA| [l̪ˠuːpˠ ʃeː] "he bent", where the "b" sound of _ga. "lúb" IPA|/l̪ˠuːbˠ/ "bent" has become a "p" sound before the voiceless "s" of _ga. "sé".

tress

General facts of stress placement

An Irish word normally has only one stressed syllable, namely the first syllable of the word. In IPA transcription, a stressed syllable is marked with the symbol IPA| [ ˈ ] to the left of the syllable. Examples include _ga. "d'imigh" IPA|/ˈdʲɪmʲiː/ "left" (past tense of "leave") and _ga. "easonóir" IPA|/ˈasˠən̪ˠoːɾʲ/ "dishonor"Harvcol|de Búrca|1958|p=74–75. However, certain words, especially adverbs and loanwords, have stress on a noninitial syllable, e.g. _ga. "amháin" IPA|/əˈwaːnʲ/ "only", _ga. "tobac" IPA|/təˈbak/ "tobacco".

In most compound words, primary stress falls on the first member and a secondary stress (marked with IPA| [ ˌ ] ) falls on the second member, e.g. _ga. "lagphórtach" IPA|/ˈl̪ˠaɡˌfˠɔɾˠt̪ˠəx/ "spent bog". Some compounds, however, have primary stress on both the first and the second member, e.g. _ga. "deargbhréag" IPA|/ˈdʲaɾˠəɡˈvʲɾʲeːɡ/ "a terrible lie".

In Munster, stress is attracted to a long vowel or diphthong in the second or third syllable of a word, e.g. _ga. "cailín" IPA|/kaˈlʲiːnʲ/ "girl", _ga. "achainí" IPA|/axəˈnʲiː/ "request" Harvcol|Ó Sé|2000|pp=46–47. In the now extinct accent of East Mayo, stress was attracted to a long vowel or diphthong in the same way as in Munster; in addition, stress was attracted to a short vowel before word-final "ll", "m", or "nn" when that word was also final in its utterance (Harvcolnb|Lavin|1957, Harvcolnb|Dillon|1973, Harvcolnb|Green|1997|pp=86–90). For example, _ga. "capall" "horse" was pronounced IPA| [kaˈpˠɞl̪ˠ] in isolation or as the last word of a sentence, but as IPA| [ˈkapˠəl̪ˠ] in the middle of a sentence.

The nature of unstressed vowels

In general, short vowels are all reduced to schwa (IPA| [ə] ) in unstressed syllables, but there are some exceptions. In Munster, if the third syllable of a word is stressed and the preceding two syllables are short, the first of the two unstressed syllables is "not" reduced to schwa; instead it receives a secondary stress, e.g. _ga. "spealadóir" IPA|/ˌsˠpʲal̪ˠəˈd̪ˠoːɾʲ/ "scythe-man" Harvcol|Ó Cuív|1944|p=67. Also in Munster, an unstressed short vowel is not reduced to schwa if the following syllable contains a stressed IPA|/iː/ or IPA|/uː/, e.g. _ga. "ealaí" IPA|/aˈl̪ˠiː/ "art", _ga. "bailiú" IPA|/bˠaˈlʲuː/ "gather" Harvcol|Ó Cuív|1944|p=105. In Ulster, long vowels in unstressed syllables are shortened but are not reduced to schwa, e.g. _ga. "cailín" IPA|/ˈkalʲinʲ/ "girl", _ga. "galún" IPA|/ˈɡalˠunˠ/ "gallon" (Harvcolnb|Ó Dochartaigh|1987|pp=19 ff., Harvcolnb|Hughes|1994|pp=626–27).

Processes relating to /x/

The voiceless velar fricative IPA|/x/, spelled "ch", is associated with some unusual patterns in many dialects of Irish. For one thing, its presence after the vowel IPA|/a/ triggers behavior atypical of short vowels; for another, IPA|/x/ and its slender counterpart IPA|/ç/ interchange with the voiceless glottal fricative IPA|/h/ in a variety of ways, and can sometimes be deleted altogether.

Behavior of /ax/

In Munster, stress is attracted to IPA|/a/ in the second syllable of a word if it is followed by IPA|/x/, "provided" the first syllable (and third syllable, if there is one) contains a short vowel Harvcol|Ó Cuív|1944|p=66. Examples include _ga. "bacach" IPA|/bˠəˈkax/ "lame" and _ga. "slisneacha" IPA|/ʃlʲəˈʃnʲaxə/ "chips". However, if the first or third syllable contains a long vowel or diphthong, stress is attracted to that syllable instead, and the IPA|/a/ before IPA|/x/ is reduced to IPA|/ə/ as normal, e.g. _ga. "éisteacht" IPA|/ˈeːʃtʲəxt̪ˠ/ "listen", _ga. "moltachán" IPA|/ˌmˠɔl̪ˠhəˈxaːn̪ˠ/ [Pronounced as if spelled _ga. "molthachán"] "wether" Harvcol|Ó Cuív|1944|p=66.

Interaction of /x/ and /ç/ with /h/

amples

The following table shows some sample sentences from the Aran dialect Harvcol|Finck|1899|pp=II.1–2.

Comparison with other languages

cottish Gaelic and Manx

Many of the phonological processes found in Irish are found also in its nearest relatives, Scottish Gaelic and Manx. For example, both languages contrast "broad" and "slender" consonants, but only at the coronal and dorsal places of articulation; both Scottish Gaelic and Manx have lost the distinction in labial consonants. The change of IPA|/kn̪ˠ ɡn̪ˠ mn̪ˠ/ etc. to IPA|/kɾˠ ɡɾˠ mɾˠ/ etc. is found in Manx and in most Scottish dialects. Evidence from written manuscripts suggests it had begun in Scottish Gaelic as early as the sixteenth century and was well established in both Scottish Gaelic and Manx by the late 17th to early 18th century Harvcol|O'Rahilly|1932|pp=22–23. Lengthening or diphthongization of vowels before fortis sonorants is also found in both languages Harvcol|O'Rahilly|1932|pp=49–52. The stress pattern of Scottish Gaelic is the same as that in Connacht and Ulster Irish, while in Manx, stress is attracted to long vowels and diphthongs in noninitial syllables, but under more restricted conditions than in Munster (Harvcolnb|O'Rahilly|1932|pp=113–115, Harvcolnb|Green|1997|pp=90–93).

Hiberno-English

Irish phonology has had a significant influence on the phonology of Hiberno-English Harvcol|Wells|1982|pp=417–50. For example, most of the vowels of Hiberno-English (with the exception of IPA|/ɔɪ/) correspond to vowel phones (which may or may not be phonemes) of Irish. The Irish stops IPA|/t̪ˠ d̪ˠ/ have been taken over (though without distinctive velarization) into Hiberno-English as common realizations of the English phonemes IPA|/θ ð/. Hiberno-English also allows IPA|/h/ to appear in positions where it is permitted in Irish but excluded in other dialects of English, such as before an unstressed vowel (e.g. "Haughey" IPA|/ˈhɒhi/) and at the end of a word (e.g. "McGrath" IPA|/məˈɡɹæh/). Another feature of Hiberno-English phonology taken over from Irish is epenthesis in words like "film" IPA| [ˈfɪləm] and "form" IPA| [ˈfɔɹəm] .

Footnotes

References

External links

* [http://www.celt.dias.ie/publications/online/caint_ros_muc/CH1/ Caint Ros Muc] , a collection of sound files of speakers from Rosmuck
* [http://www.celt.dias.ie/publications/cat/e/e2-13/ Online recordings] of Iorras Aithneach speech, with transcriptions
* [http://www.nualeargais.ie/gnag/phonol.htm Irish phonology]
* [http://www.fiosfeasa.com/bearla/language/sounds.htm The Sounds of Irish]
* [http://www.phouka.com/gaelic/sounds/sounds.htm Recordings of the sounds of Irish]
* [http://www.smo.uhi.ac.uk/~oduibhin/cruinneas/foghraidheacht.htm Pronunciation hints for learners] ga icon

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