Mihna

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The Mihna (محنة, miḥnah) is an episode that took place in classical Islamic history starting in 218 AH/833 AD and lasting for about fifteen years.

Meaning

Mihna (محنة, miḥnah) means 'ordeal' or 'inquisition.'

Event

The Mihna was an attempt by Abbasid Caliph al-Ma'mun in 218 AH/833 CE to impose his theological views on his subjects. It involved testing particular individuals concerning their view of whether the Qur'an is created or not. All parties agreed that the Qur'an is the unadulterated Speech of God. The issue was whether the Qur'an is the created (al-Ma'mun's position) or the uncreated speech of God. The response of the interrogees was not without consequences. Measures were taken against those who rejected the doctrine of the createdness of the Qur'an, including dismissal from public office, imprisonment, and even flogging. The Mihna was continued after al-Ma'mun's death under his successors al-Mu'tasim and al-Wathiq, and was ended in 861 by al-Ma'mun's nephew al-Mutawakkil.

Point of view

Islamic view

Ahmad ibn Hanbal, an Islamic scholar of the time, challenged the Fitnah ^{[disambiguation needed ]} (trial) of Islam and the Muslims. He was put under intense pressure, imprisoned, and tortured for preaching that the Qur'an was not created and that it was the literal words of Allah. He lived in prison until the new Caliph, Al-Mutawakkil, came into power. Al-Mutawakkil rejected the idea of the Qur'an being created and Hanbal was finally released.^[1]

The Mu'tazili point of view

Mystery Behind Mihna

The Mihna is considered a puzzling event in Islamic history, especially since it started at the hands of a caliph with a reputation of open-mindedness and intellectuality. Though it is widely believed that al-Ma'mun initiated the Mihna under the influence of his close Mu'tazilite aides, a careful examination of historical events reveals a much more complicated motivation behind the whole episode. Nawas (1994, 1996) studied the proposed explanations for al-Ma'mun's introduction of the Mihna and concluded that the Mihna was mainly al-Ma'mun's attempt to secure for the caliphal institution full control over the religious as it had over the secular. The main points against the assertion of Mu'tazilite influence:

(1) The doctrine of the createdness of the Quran is not exclusively Mu'tazilite. The Jahmites believed in it in addition to hard determinism and, thus, stood diametrically opposed to the Mu'tazilite defense of human free will.

(2) Al-Ma'mun's court included some Mu'tazilites but also some anti-Mu'tazilite thinkers and scholars such as Bishr al-Mirisi, a Jahmite. No Mu'tazilite was directly involved in the Inquisition except Ahmed Ibn Abi Du`ad who in Mu`tazilite sources is not shown as contributing to the doctrinal system of the school.

(3) Al-Mamun's court included scholars counted as "Ahl as-Sunnah wa-al-Jama'a" — a term used for Muslims with orthodox beliefs and later for Sunni Muslims — such as Yahya Ibn Aktham who dissuaded al-Ma'mun from sanctioning temporary marriage (mut'a) and from cursing Mu'awiyah, the first Ummayad Caliph, on the pulpits - both actions that are strongly associated with Shia Islam. In the latter case, Yahya reportedly convinced al-Ma'mun by emphasizing that he, as a caliph, should be above the different sects and schools.

(4) Al-Ma'mum himself appears, if all the historical evidence is taken into account, to be eclectic in his beliefs. Some Mu'tazilites actually accused him of believing in unqualified predestination. That is, an argument can be made that he was a Jahmite (Cooperson, 2005).

(5) Like members of different schools, Mu'tazilite scholars were divided into two groups: a group engaging in the political system (to help reform it or reduce its evils, not to mention personal interests), and a group rejecting the existing injustice and refusing to legitimize the corrupt political system. Ess (2006) calls a subgroup within the latter group the "Mu'tazilite Sufis" who "rejected not only the state in the sense of a central government, but also the 'world' — that is, commerce or any sort of profitable activity."

(6) In his letters to the local governor of Baghdad in order to initiate the Mihna, al-Ma'mun presented himself as the representative of God on earth, an heir to the Prophets, and a guardian of Islamic faith. This does not mean that al-Ma'mun thought of himself as having a spiritual or legislative power superseding Islamic sources. Nawas (1994) mentions that there is no record or report that al-Ma'mun placed himself above the Qur'an, and that all Qur'anic verses cited by him in the Mihna letters were interpreted by him with impeccable logic and fidelity to the text. In addition, it is not necessary that al-Ma'mun desired an order in which he alone would determine the correct Islamic belief. Hurvitz (2001) argues that al-Ma'mun was thinking of an elite layer of scholars and thinkers, headed by him, to specify Islamic beliefs.

The above points taken together demonstrate that the Mu`tazilites were not in any dominant position during the Mihna, nor was their ideology the state's official creed. The Mihna was al-Mamun's attempt to assert his theological and legal authority over the juristic culture, especially the defiant traditionists and traditionalists.

Aftermath

Religious and Political Orders in Classical Islam

It is important to note that in classical Islam, it was private individuals and not the caliphate who undertook the mission of developing the various Islamic sciences including the law. That is, the law, contrary to what happens in modern nation states, was not the exclusive preserve of the state. In fact, the jurists developed it in conscious opposition to the state (e.g., Jackson, 2002). From early on, there was a religious order in classical Islam that was distinct from the political order. The semi-autonomy of the scholars resulted in the interesting phenomenon of the emergence of different, and regarding some issues, diametrically opposed schools of jurisprudence — all considered Islamically valid and authentic. The Mihna, within this context, reflects the caliph's frustration with the powerful and influential juristic culture. It lasted about fifteen years, after which the domains of authority of both the political and religious orders became more well-defined. This does not mean that confrontation was the hallmark of the relationship between both orders. The relationship was more nuanced and involved not only confrontation but also collaboration. Generally speaking, the religious order stood as a buffer between the political order and the common people.

Religious and Political Orders in Modern Islam

References

1. ^ http://www.islamicawakening.com/viewarticle.php?articleID=1193

• Cooperson, Michael (2005). Al-Ma'mun (Makers of the Muslim World). Oxford, England: Oneworld Publications. ISBN 978-1-85168-386-4. 
• Ess, J. V. (2006). The Flowering of Muslim Theology. USA: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-02208-9. 
• Hurvitz, N. (2001). "Mihna as Self-Defense". Studia Islamica 92: 93–111. 
• Jackson, S. A. (2002). "Jihad and the Modern World". Journal of Islamic Law and Culture 7 (1): 1–26. 
• Nawas, J. A. (1994). "A Rexamination of Three Current Explanations for al-Ma'mun's Introduction of the Mihna". International Journal of Middle East Studies 26 (4): 615–629. doi:10.1017/S0020743800061134. 
• Nawas, J. A. (1996). "The Mihna of 218 A.H./833 A. D. Revisited: An Empirical Study". Journal of the American Oriental Society (Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 116, No. 4) 116 (4): 698–708. doi:10.2307/605440. JSTOR 605440.