Govigama

Govi, Govigama, Goigama, Goygama, Goyigama is a numerous Caste in Sri Lanka.

[
An Historical Relation of the Island Ceylon by Robert Knox(1641-1720)]

History

The traditional occupation of this caste is agriculture, and they were the farmers and small land owners in the Sri Lankan feudal system. Most members of the Govigama community are still farmers in villages throughout Sri Lanka. They were an integral part of the caste hierarchy in traditional Sinhalese society," as the Sri Lanka's fourfold caste model was practiced as having "Raja", "Bamunu", "Velenda" and "Govi" (Indian: "Catriya", "Brahmana", "Vaisya", "Cudra"). Historic literature and inscriptional evidence from the feudal period show that the above hierarchy prevailed throughout the feudal period until the collapse of Sri Lankan kingdoms and social structure under the onslaught of European colonialism.

Ancient Period

Ancient texts such as the 'Pujavaliya", "Sadharmaratnavaliya' and 'Yogaratnakaraya' list the four caste categories as "Raja, Bamunu, Velanda" & "Govi" in descending order, where the Govi caste is the 4th caste. The "Pújavaliya " also says that Buddha could be born in the Govi caste. The 10th century "Dampiyaatuvagetapadaya" and the 12th century "Darmapradeepikava" states that the Govi caste is a middle caste. (Dampiyaatuvagetapadaya 217. Darmapradeepikava 190)

Other ancient texts such as the "Gavaratnakaraya " and "Sarpothpaththiya" ("Sarpavedakama" vi, 5 & 123) respectively classify even Sri Lankan cattle and snakes into the same four caste categories as Raja, Bamunu, Velanda & Govi, where again Govi is the 4th form. Ballads sung to-date at ancient Gammaduva rituals also refer to the above four castes categories in the same sequence and also describes the limits and privileges of each. The domestic utensils of the "Raja", category are described as made of gold; silver and copper for the next two and finally earthenware for the "Govi" caste which is last in the hierarchy (Gammaduwa 13).

Although modern Govigama writers have attempted to dismiss the above fourfold division as a mere classical division unconnected with realities, the repetition of the same caste hierarchy even as recently as the 18th century, in the British / Kandyan period period Kadayimpoth - Boundary books (Abhayawardena 163 to 168) as well, indicates the continuation of the tradition right up to the end of Sri Lanka’s monarchy.

Medieval Period

The 15th century literary composition, the Ummagga Jataka uses the term Govi in forms such as "embala goviya" and "goviya puth" (son of a cultivator) throughout the text as an expression. It shows a continuation of such usage coming from the 14th century Illisa Jataka "embala dushta goviya". Sloka 2201 of the astrology text Mánasagari says that a debilitated moon in the horoscope destines a man to be a cultivator.

The Govis are referred to as Kudin (EZ V.293, EZ I.246, 53 fn 7 etc.) and Väriyan (EZ III.139, 141 etc. ) in ancient Sri Lankan rock inscriptions and as Bälayan, Galayan, Valayan, Gonvayan and Gatara in literature (Abhayawardena 167 & 217. Jayathilake.91). These terms show that the Govis in Sri Lanka’s history were farmers and agricultors. Some of them were considered to be chattels attached to the land but were treated better than the other castes (EZ II.140 & 142. Codrington.34). The high esteem in which the goviyas were held is illustrated by other rock inscriptions such as the 10th century Kataragama pillar inscription (EZ III.223), 14th century Niyamgampaya rock inscription (Sahithyaya 1972.130) and 15th century Saman Devala Sannasa (Codrington.27) which groups the Govis as a useful caste.

Medieval history records a few instances where the above Raja, Bamunu, Velenda, Govi fourfold caste division was mixed up by foreign invaders to cause confusion in the established social order. It is also recorded that subsequent kings and queens restored the social order by clearly re-segregating the four caste groups. There are also recorded instances of nobles being degraded to the status of cultivators by foreign invaders and also by local rulers, for falling into disfavor with the ruler. Although degrading a high caste individual to the Govi caste was possible, restoring such an individual back to nobility was rare.

The North Gate rock inscription in the ancient city of Polonnaruwa depicts the Govi Kula in its comparative rhetoric as the equivalent to comparing them to a stallion, a fire-fly, a swan etc. etc. Although one or two modern Govigama writers such as Amaradasa Liyanagamage and Anuradha Seneviratne have interpreted this as words of a generous king, the same concept is echoed in the literary works, 13th century "Dambadeni Asna" (Jayathilake.135) and the 15th century "Parevi Sandésa"(Kumaratunga 1958.verse 188), written centuries after the demise of King Nissankamalla.

Kandyan Period

[
An Historical Relation of the Island Ceylon by Robert Knox(1641-1720)] Traditionally the Govi caste had worked the fields for the Radala caste specifically and there is evidence from the recent Kandyan period that they never cultivated for lower castes such as the Wahumpura and the palanquin bearer Bathgama caste (Sri Lankáve Ithihásaya III. 287, JRASCB XXXVI No.100.156.etc.) They continued to do so until the Paddy Lands Act was introduced in 1958. The superior manner in which cultivators approached and interacted even with blacksmiths from the lower rungs of the Navandanna caste is described by Robert Knox (1641-1720) in his An Historical Relation of the Island Ceylon. Knox’s description illustrates the relative ritual positions of the two castes.

Modern Govigama history has proven that all castes except for the Govi caste were low-castes, and that the caste system revolved around the Govigama caste and functioned to serve its needs.

The Sri Lankan state sponsored ‘Practical Sinhala Dictionary’, edited by Harischandra Wijetunga (subsequent leader of the Sinhalaye Mahasammatha Bhoomiputra Pakshaya a chauvinistic Sinhala Buddhist political party), and published by the Ministry of Cultural Affairs in 1983 went to the extent of defining "Govi puth" as ‘land owners’ and all other castes as low castes. (compare with the contrasting historical meaning of this term in the Jatakas given above)It was challenged in courts and the Human Rights Commission by lower caste Karavas and accepted. (SC Appn. 98/82 and Human Rights Commission settlement of 02/12/87)

Govigama Sub-castes

The Niti Nighanduva published in 1880 to promote the Govi supremacy fact lists the following as sub-castes of the Govigama:
*Radalakam peruwa or Mudali Peruwa
*Painda Peruwa (Messengers)
*Wediwanse ( Veddahs)As the higher levels, and the following as the inferior classes of the Goviya caste:

*Nilamakkarayo(Suppliers of rice and other food to the landlord - Tenant farmers )
*Pattiwala aya (Herdsmen)
*Wiramestaragolla
*Porokara or Kunam Maduve Gamayo (Wood cutters)
*Etwala panikkiyo (Suppliers of food for the landlord's Elephant)
*Malkaruvo (Suppliers of flowers to the landlord)
*Kuttanwala etto (Suppliers of fish from irrigation tanks. Kevulo)
*Balibath Gamayo (Suppliers of rice for Devabali, religious offerings)
*Gattaru ( Referred to as Gattara in medieval inscriptions )
*Tibillo(Niti Nighanduva 6)

However most of these have since merged, and together with anonymous migrants from other higher castes joining its rank in the cities, a Mega-Govi caste has since formed.

Rise of a Govi caste elite in the late 19th century

By the 19th century, large numbers of traditional chiefs had been killed in successive battles with Portuguese, Dutch and British over 400 years of colonialism and the status of the remaining traditional chiefs had been reduced to that of Colonial servants. The Dutch in the 18th century and the British in the 19th century had actively sought ways to curb the power and influence of the native chiefs and headmen.

The late British period saw the proliferation of native headmen and a Mudaliyar class resembling English country squires, complete with large land grants by the British, residences of unprecedented scale (Referred to by the Tamil word Walauu or Walvoo) and British granted native titles. (Mudaliyar is a South Indian and Tamil name for ‘first’ and a person endowed with wealth.)

The British Governor Gordon (1883 – 1890) and his predecessors effectively used divide and rule policies and created caste animosity among the native elite and finally confined all high Native appointments only to the Govigama caste in 1897. The British Government Agent Layard was advocating this as an effective policy for easy governance. Mahamudliar Louis De Saram’s family of Dutch and Malay ancestry had Sinhalised and Govigamised itself during the Dutch period and had a strong network of relatives as Mudaliyars by the late 19th century. As Kumari Jayawardena notes, the Mudaliyars, were merely "Low-country" Goyigama families who rose to prominence under colonial rule, by loyal service to colonial masters. Among them were the De Saram family that had married lower class Burghers, and later through other marriage alliances, created a network embracing the Obeysekere, Dias-Bandaranaike, Ilangakoon, de Alwis, de Livera, Pieris and Siriwardena families. This "Govigama" Anglican Christian network expanded further with the preponderance of native headmen as Mudaliyars, Korales and Vidanes from the Buddhist Govigama section of the community.

The British even appointed non "Vanniyars" to the positions of "Maha Vanniya" and other Vanni positions. Ralapanave Punchirala was the first "Govigama" to be so appointed. His appointment in 1849 to the "Nuwaragam Palatha" was followed by other outsider appointments to Vanni positions; Ratwatte Loku Banda in 1878 and Ratwatte Dingiri Banda in 1892. They were from the class of ‘New Radalas’ created by 19th century British administrators in the Kandyan provinces. (See The British Radalas ) The powerful Mudaliyar class thus created by the British colonials, attempted to keep all other Sri Lankan communities out of colonial appointments. They also used all possible means to economically and socially marginalise and subjugate all other communities. The oppression by the Mudaliars and connected headmen extended to demanding subservience, service, appropriation of cultivation rights and even restrictions on the type of personal names that could be used by other communities and castes. The newly-empowered Govi people successfully absorbed higher caste Radalas and enhanced their caste position enormously.

The rise of the Govi caste in the 20th century

Several lower level Govigama headmen in the Mudaliyar system used their positions to exploit opportunities in the local liquor trade, formed partnerships and become quite wealthy during this period. Some of the Govigama liquor dealers to amass large fortunes during this period were Wevage Arnolis Dep (whose daughter Helena married timber trader Don Philip Wijewardene the ancestor of J. R. Jayawardene and Ranil Wickremasinge) and Don Spater Senanayake the Father of D. S. Senanayake.

, his two brothers F.R and D.C and others as "a few who are nobodies, but who hope to make somebodies of themselves by disgraceful tactics". It’s this outburst by Sir Christoffel that gives Kumari Jayawardena the title for her insightful book on this period, ‘Nobodies to Somebodies - The Rise of the Colonial Bourgeoisie in Sri Lanka". Jayawardena notices the irony in this outburst because these Mudaliyar 'somebodies' were, not too long ago, relative 'nobodies' themselves.

Two distinct and unconnected communities, the Govi and the Tamil Vellala allied together during the early 19th century and pushed out contenders from Karava and other communities from the political arena.Twentieth century strategic political marriages such as low country Govigam, nouveau riche D. S. Senanayake’s marriage in 1910 to Kandyan, Anglican Mollie Dunuwila,his brother D.C.'s marriage to Mollie Dunuwila's sister, newspaper magnate D. R. Wijewardena’s marriage in 1916 to a Meedeniya and finally 42 year old S. W. R. D. Bandaranayake’s marriage in 1940 to 24 year old Sirimávo Ratwatte, appear to have linked the Govigama caste with the 'New Radala' class created by the British, and boosted the status of the Govi caste. These marriages also created the common political power block that has ruled the country since independence from the British in 1948. The original kandyan Radalas however are still relatively endogamous and even as of date would only rarely marry an average Govigama in an arranged marriage. Nevertheless some writers now refer to the Radala as the upper crust of the Govigama caste. With the rise of the Govi caste in the 20th century, Govi caste history has been bolstered to complement the now elevated status of the caste. The caste that previously belonged to the land and was gifted, bought and sold with it is now accepted as the traditional land holding class.

The above developments in the elite circles were of no benefit to the Govigama farming masses who were oppressed even further by the new class of Govigama mudaliyars. Benefits began to gradually arrive for the Govi farmers with the abolition of the traditional Rajakariya system ( Sri lanka’s Tennurial system of land holding). The post-independence Paddy Lands Act of 1958 was another landmark. It empowered Tenant farmers of paddy lands and protected them from eviction. The Landlords were stripped of their power overnight.

Current Political Power

The introduction of democracy in the early 20th century transferred political power to the affiliated Senanayake, Wijewardene, Kotelawala, Jayewardene and Dias Bandaranaike (Although not commonly known D. S. Senanayake’s sister Maria Frances was married to F.H.Dias Bandaranaike) families in the Southern part of the country and to interconnected Vellala families in the north. They were all from the anglicized minority of Sri Lanka and they all claimed that they were from the numerous cultivator caste.

Despite their Anglican Christian background, these families were able to fool the Sinhala Buddhist mass vote-base and the Tamil voters as their communal democratic leaders and representatives. Since the grant of independence by the British in 1948, Sri Lanka’s political power has rarely slipped away from this closely connected group and even so only for short periods. However, it has always been the Catholic Church and not the Anglican denomination that has been at the receiving end of the religious antipathy of the Sinhala masses despite both Christian sects being chauvinistic and intolerant during the entire period of European colonization. Similarly the Sinhala Buddhists of Sri Lanka are the target of Tamil hostility for the atrocities perpetrated on them by this Anglican minority.

Although Sri Lanka is considered to be a democracy, the two main political parties have operated inefficiently throughout as family organizations. Key decisions within the parties are taken by an inner core and democratic processes do not exist within the two parties to elect its leaders. Voting by a show of hands is encouraged, secret ballots are shunned and dissidents within the two parties are regularly disciplined and victimised. For the most part, politics in post-independence Sri Lanka has been an alternating rule between the anglicized Colombo elite Senanyake-Wickremasinhe clan and the Bandarnaike-Ratwatte clan, all descendants of elite families created by the British in the 19th century. The Anglicized Tamil Vellalas are happy collaborators.

Lower-caste Sinhalese youth opposing this farce have been regularly eliminated since the 1970’s through Summary executions by the Sri Lankan state.

Non–Govigama representation in Parliament has steadily declined since independence and representation of non-Govigama castes are well below their population percentages. [http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2001/10/21/pol03.html] . Caste representation in the Cabinet has always been limited to a few very visible, but unconcerned and disconnected members from a few leading castes. However none of these representatives are known to have ever spoken on behalf of their respective communities or done anything constructive for the progress of these communities.

Religious Power

The Buddhist Siam Nikaya of Sri Lanka now grants Higher ordination only to the Radala and Govigama castes. This Caste discrimination practiced by the Siyam Nikaya has continuously received the full support and patronage of the Govigama dominated Sri Lankan State and it’s Ministers and Ministries of Buddha Sasana, Cultural Affairs and others.

The principal places of Buddhist worship in Sri Lanka including the Temple of the Tooth Relic, Adam’s Peak, Kelaniya and over 6,000 other temples are now under the administration of the Siyam Nikaya and brings with it much religious power to the Govi caste and vast personal revenues to Govigama priests.

Restricting higher ordination only to the Govigama caste by the Siyam Nikaya is attributed to the year 1764, just over a decade after the establishment of this sect and re-establishment of Upasampada in Sri Lanka by reverend Upali of Siam. Mandarampura Puvata, a contemporary text from the period, narrates the above radical changes to the monastic order and shows that it was not a unanimous decision by the body of the sangha. It says that thirty two ‘senior’ members of the Sangha who opposed this change were banished to Jaffna by the leaders of the reform.

The Buddha has frequently condemned caste discrimination and further preached that creating divisions within the Sangha is a heinous crime. However, the Siyan Nikaya holds a purported royal decree by a Vaduga King above the teachings of the Buddha and does not appeare to have any plans to change the parody. The continuance of these un-Buddhist changes to the rules of ordination plagues Sri Lankan Buddhism, and the Sri Lankan Buddhist Sangha remains divided on caste lines.

ee also

*Radala

References

* Abhayawardena H. A. P. Kadaim Poth Vimarshanaya, Ministry of Cultural Affairs, Sri Lanka
* H. W. Codrington, "Ancient land tenure and revenue in Ceylon"
* Darmapradeepikava Sri Dharmarama edition, 1951
* Epigraphia Zeylanica (EZ) Colombo Museum, Sri Lanka
* Gammaduwa, Ministry of Cultural Affairs, Sri Lanka
* Jayathilake D. B. Dambadeni Asna saha Kandavuru Siritha
* Jayawardena Kumari 2000 Nobodies to Somebodies - The Rise of the Colonial Bourgeoisie in Sri Lanka [http://www.hindu.com/fline/fl1826/18260760.htm]
* Journal of Asian Studies 1990 Articles by Patrick Peebles, Amita Shastri, Bryan Pfaffenberger
* Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka (JRASCB)
* Kumaratunga Munidasa 1958 Parevi Sandeshaya
* Niti Nighanduva The vocabulary of law 1880 LeMasurier C. J. R. and Panabokke T. B.
* Peebles Patrick 1995 Social Change in Nineteenth Century Ceylon Navrang ISBN 81-7013-141-3.
* Pfaffenberger Bryan 1982 Sudra Domination in Sri Lanka Syracuse University
* Pujavaliya
* Roberts Michael Caste conflict and elite formation
* Sahithyaya 1972 Department of Cultural Affairs, Sri Lanka
* Sarpavedakama Colombo Museum publication, 1956
* Sri Lankáve Ithihásaya Educational Publications Department Sri Lanka
* Ummagga Játhakaya 1978 edition Educational Publications Department, Sri Lanka
* Wickramasinghe Nira 2001 Civil Society in Sri Lanka: New circles of power