Byrd Organization

The Byrd Organization (usually known as just "the Organization") was a political machine led by former Governor and U.S. Senator Harry F. Byrd, Sr. (1877-1966) that dominated Virginia politics for much of the middle portion of the 20th century. From the mid 1920s until the late 1960s, the Byrd Organization effectively controlled the politics of the state through a network of courthouse cliques of local constitutional officers in most of the state's counties.

"The Organization" had its greatest strength in rural areas. It was never able to gain a significant foothold in the growing urban areas of Virginia's many independent cities, which are not located within counties, nor with the emerging suburban middle-class of Virginians after World War II. Byrd's violent opposition to racial integration of the state's public schools including a policy of massive resistance which ultimately failed in 1960 after rulings it was unconstitutional by both state and federal courts could be described as its "last stand," although the remnants of the Organization continued to wield power for a few years longer.cite journal |last=Glasrud |first=Bruce |authorlink= |coauthors= |year= 1977|month=May |title=The Crisis of Conservative Virginia: The Byrd Organization and the Politics of Massive Resistance (book review) |journal=The Journal of Southern History |volume=43 |issue=2 |pages=324–325 |id= |url=http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-4642%28197705%2943%3A2%3C324%3ATCOCVT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-F |accessdate= |quote= |doi=10.2307/2207385 ]

When the Senator resigned in 1965, he was replaced by his son Harry F. Byrd, Jr. in the U.S. Senate. However, the heyday of the Byrd Organization was clearly in the past, ending 80 years of domination of Virginia politics by conservative Democrats with the election of a Republican governor in 1969 for the first time in the 20th century.

Background

After the American Civil War, Virginia's politics were chaotic. Initially, former Confederates were not allowed to vote, and factions of newly enfranchised black voters joined the picture. In the late 1870s, a coalition of blacks, Republicans, and Conservative Democrats formed the Readjuster Party. Readjusters aspired "to break the power of wealth and established privilege" and to promote public education. It was led by Harrison H. Riddleberger (1844-1890) of Woodstock, an attorney, and William Mahone (1827-1895), of Petersburg, a former Confederate general who was president of several railroads.

The Readjuster Party's power was overturned in the late 1880s, when John S. Barbour, Jr. (1820-1892) led the first Conservative Democrats political machine in Virginia. U.S. Senator Thomas Staples Martin (1847-1919) took over after Barbour died, but Senator Martin's political control was thin by the time he died in office in 1919. By this time, as a young state senator from Winchester, Harry F. Byrd, was a rising star in state politics and the Democratic Party. He had served the Wilson Administration during World War I helping with gasoline rationing as a volunteer.

In 1922, with 7 years of experience in the Virginia State Senate, Byrd gained statewide prominence by confronting Virginia's powerful lobby of highway builders. Byrd had gained a lot of related experience when earlier managing the Valley Turnpike. In the Virginia General Assembly, he led a fight against using bonded indebtedness as a method to pay for new roads. He feared the state would sacrifice future flexibility by committing too many resources to paying off construction debt.

In 1923, Byrd was sued for libel by the Virginia Highway Contractors Association because he said their activities "by combination and agreements may be very detrimental" to the State. The court dismissed the suit, stating the criticism was legal, imposing all costs upon the association. The publicity literally and figuratively paved the way for Harry Byrd to statewide office and the creation of the Byrd Organization.

tructure

The broad lines of what would become the Byrd Organization formed in 1925, when Byrd ran for governor. He served until 1930, then was appointed to the United States Senate in 1933, serving until his retirement in 1965.

Over 40 years, Byrd built up relationships with the "courthouse cliques," consisting of the constitutional officers in every county. The five (elected) constitutional officers in each county were the sheriff, Commonwealth's attorney, clerk of the court, county treasurer, and commissioner of revenue. [http://www.virginiaplaces.org/government/byrdorg.html]

Perhaps contrary to first appearances, the low public profile "clerk of the court" position held the greatest power in most counties within the Byrd Organization. These courthouse cliques made recommendations for suitable candidates, and Byrd only decided on candidates after careful consultation. Without Byrd's "nod," no candidate had a chance at statewide office in Virginia.

Progressive only in appearances

Byrd's policies appeared progressive at first, restructuring state government to streamline operations and use tax dollars more effectively. He made property taxes solely a county and city responsibility. He also had a keen interest in improving roads, dramatically increasing funding for secondary roads. When that wasn't enough, he pushed through the Byrd Road Act of 1932, a law that created the state's Virginia Secondary Roads System and gave the state responsibility for maintaining county roads, but didn't include similar assistance for Virginia's independent cities.

However, on balance, Byrd's measures were far from progressive. His primary support was among rural voters in his native Shenandoah Valley and Southside Virginia regions, who had less interest in improved state services (other than roads) than in low taxes and limited government. Byrd initiated a "pay as you go" approach to spending, in which no state money was spent until enough taxes and fees were available. While this freed Virginia from having to pay off road construction debt, it also kept support for higher education and other state services at low levels. Byrd, who never graduated from high school himself, recognized that his rural constituency was less interested in state-supplied services than in lower taxes. [http://www.virginiaplaces.org/government/byrdorg.html] Rural areas were heavily overrepresented in the General Assembly, ensuring that support for education and social welfare remained very low for decades.

Poll taxes

He also reduced the number of statewide offices to just three—governor, lieutenant governor and attorney general—eliminating potential bases for opposition. Several measures that had been in place well before Byrd's time also ensured his dominance. A poll tax enacted in 1902 effectively disenfranchised blacks and poor whites. The courthouse cliques of the Byrd machine fell all over themselves to ensure that "reliable" voters' poll taxes were paid on time (often as early as three years before an election). The General Assembly, through circuit court judges, controlled the electoral commissions that ruled on voter eligibility. While the Organization never was able to establish a foothold in urban areas, blatant malapportionment in favor of rural areas ensured statewide dominance.

George Mason University professor William Grymes has noted "Byrd's political power was based on the ability of the appointed and elected officials to restrict the number of voters, and ensure those few voters were supporters of the Byrd Organization." Professor Grymes makes the point by illustrating that "a landslide election would have 7% of the potential electorate voting for candidates supported by Byrd, and 4% voting for the opposition... a total of less than 15% of theoretically-possible voters actually participating in the process." [http://www.virginiaplaces.org/government/museum2party.html]

Opposing federal laws

With this structure in place, Byrd's Organization practically selected every governor from 1930 until 1970, even as Virginia became friendlier to Republicans. Many Virginia Democrats drifted away from the national party due to its strong support of organized labor during the New Deal. This only accelerated during the Civil Rights Movement, when Byrd drafted the Southern Manifesto in opposition to the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in "Brown v. Board of Education." As a result, well before the 1960s, ticket-splitting was a common practice in Virginia, with many conservative Democrats supporting Republicans at the national level.

Some Byrd Democrats, such as Governors John S. Battle and Thomas B. Stanley, were willing to take cautious steps toward racial integration. However, their efforts were short-circuited in 1956, when Byrd decreed a policy of "massive resistance" to integrating the state's public schools. He was joined by Virginia's other Senator, A. Willis Robertson, and most other members of the organization. Byrd had a powerful ally in the U. S. House of Representatives, where the powerful chairman of the House Rules Committee, Howard W. Smith, kept many civil rights bills from even coming to a vote on the floor.

State and federal courts struck down most of the "massive resistance" laws in 1960. The failure of "massive resistance" caused some of its leaders, such as future governor Mills Godwin, to moderate their views and even make some efforts to reach out to black voters. However, Byrd, Robertson, Smith and a few others continued to oppose any form of integration.

Demise

Harry F. Byrd Sr. retired from the U.S. Senate in 1965, and his eldest son, Harry, Jr., a State Senator, was appointed to succeed him.

Harry, Sr. died in 1966. A short time before his death, the Byrd Organization showed its first cracks when two of Harry, Sr.'s longtime allies were ousted in the Democratic primary by more liberal challengers. Senator Robertson was defeated by State Senator William B. Spong, Jr., whom President Lyndon Johnson had personally recruited. Also, Congressman Smith was defeated by George C. Rawlings, Jr. While Spong went on to victory in November, Rawlings was defeated by conservative Republican William L. Scott, who gained the support of many conservative Democrats.

The Byrd Organization finally broke down in 1969, when a split in the Democratic Party allowed A. Linwood Holton Jr. to become the state's first Republican governor since Reconstruction. A year later, Republicans won six of the state's 10 congressional districts—the first time Republicans had held a majority of the state's congressional delegation since Reconstruction. Ironically, one of the districts that turned Republican was the 7th District, the Byrds' home district. Holton was succeeded in 1974 by Mills Godwin, a former Byrd Organization Democrat who had turned Republican.

References