- Second language phonology
Second language (L2 )phonology is different fromfirst language (L1 )phonology in various ways. The differences are considered to come from general characteristics ofL2 , such as slower speech rate (Derwing and Munro, 1997) and lower proficiency than native speakers, and also from the interaction between nonnative speakers’L1 andL2 .Research on
L2 phonology has been done not only onsegment s (Best, 1994, 1995; Flege, 1986, 1991, 1995; Iverson and Kuhl, 1995, 1996; Kuhl 1991), but also onprosody (Archibald, 1995; Derwing and Munro, 1997; Flege and Bohn, 1989; Magen, 1998; McGory, 1997; Mennen, 2004; Willems, 1982).L2 prosody , likeL2 segment s, has been studied in terms of its global characteristics andL1 -L2 interactions.L1 to L2
Global L2 prosody characteristics
Speech rate
L2 speech rate are typically slower than native speech. For example,Mandarin Chinese speakers’speech rate in an Englishutterance is slower than native English speakers’speech rate (Derwing and Munro, 1995), andspeech rates in asentence by highly experienced Italian and Korean nonnative speakers of English are slower than that of native English speakers' (Guion et al., 2000). In this study, the main factor of the slowerspeech rate for the Italian and Korean accented English was the durations of thevowels andsonorant consonants (Guion et al., 2000). Another source of the slowerspeech rate inL2 speech is thatL2 speakers tend to not reducefunction words , such as "the" or "and," as much as native speakers (Aoyama and Guion, 2007). The generally slowerspeech rate inL2 speech is correlated with the degree of perceivedforeign accent by native listeners (Derwing and Munro, 1997).L1-L2 interactions on prosody
Influence of L1 to L2 prosody
L2 speech is influenced by the speaker’sL1 background. Such influences has been explored in relation to manyprosodic features, such as pitchperception and pitch excursion (Beckman, 1986; Aoyama and Guion, 2007),stress placement (Archibald, 1995, 1998a, 1998b; Flege and Bohn, 1989; Archibald, 1997),syllable structure (Broselow and Park, 1995; Broslow, 1988; Eckman, 1991), andtone (Sereno and Wang, 2007; Guion and Pederson, 2007).Pitch perception and pitch excursions
When perceiving accented syllables in English, Japanese nonnative speakers of English tend to rely only on
F0 , or pitch of the accented syllables, while native speakers useF0 ,duration , andamplitude (Beckman, 1986). This finding was confirmed inproduction , by showing that the excursions ofF0 of Englishcontent word s were larger for Japanese nonnative speakers of English than for native English speakers (Aoyama and Guion, 2007).In both studies, the reason for this phenomenon was proposed to be related to the characteristics of the nonnative speakers’
L1 , Japanese. Japanese is amora-timed language , and because of this, longersyllable duration makes aphonological difference in Japanese. Therefore, when expressingstress in Japanese, Japanese speakers may rely more onF0 thanduration , which is a critical cue for a differentphonological distinction. ThisL1 characteristic might interfere with Japanese speakers’perception andproduction of English, which is astress-timed language and might be free of such durational restrictions.Stress Placement on words
Influence from
L1 toL2 was also found instress placement on words. Hungarian learners of English tend to place initialstress on English words that do not have initialstress , because Hungarian has fixed initialstress and this is transferred to Hungarian speakers'L2 Englishprosody (Archibald, 1995; 1998a; 1998b). Spanish speakers of English were found not to stress target stressed syllables in English, and this might be due to the lack of stress in Spanishcognates and thelexical similarity between Spanish and English words (Flege and Bohn, 1989). In addition, it is suggested that speakers oftone languages (e.g., Chinese) andpitch-accent languages (e.g., Japanese), both of which use pitch as aphonologically meaningful item, do not computestress placement in English, but rather store the stress information lexically (Archibald, 1997).Syllable Structure
L2 speakers can also perceive some innate characteristics of theL2 , which lead to different repair strategies for differentphonological patterns. KoreanL2 speakers of English add an extra final vowel to some English words but not to all (Broslow and Park, 1995), as in (1).(1) Korean pronunciations of English words
The problem is that modern Korean does not have a phonological
vowel length difference, and Korean speakers show their own repair mechanism for Englishminimal pairs that havetense /lax difference, by adding an extra final vowel to English words withtense vowels. This might be because Korean learners of English attempt to preserve themora count of the original English word, by adding an extra final vowel to words that have twomora s (Broslow and Park, 1995). Thesyllable structure of such a word might look like in (2)(2) Syllable structure of English “beat” by Korean nonnative speakers of English (adapted from Broslow and Park, 1995).
Tone: L2 perception, production, and learning
L2 listeners show different patterns oftone perception intone languages , such asMandarin Chinese . In Guion and Pederson (2007),native listeners ofMandarin judged the similarity of synthesizedMandarin tone s on the basis of bothF0 andF0 slope, while English and Japanese listeners used onlyF0 , notF0 slope . However, it was also observed that late learners ofMandarin showed similar patterns oftone perception asnative listeners ofMandarin , focusing on bothF0 andF0 slope of the tones. This suggests thatL2 learners can learn to attend to the cues thatL1 speakers use for thetone distinction.The possibility of learning new
L2 prosodic distinction was further explored in a training study onMandarin tones (Sereno and Wang, 2007). EnglishL2 listeners’ perception and production ofMandarin tones improved afterperceptual training , and this was observed bothbehaviorally andcortically :L2 listeners’ accuracy oftone perception andproduction improved, and increased activity of language areas in theleft hemisphere (superior temporal gyrus ) andneighboring effects on relevantneural areas were observed.Intonation
Dutch EnglishWillems (1982): size and direction of pitch movementsKorean and Mandarin EnglishesMcGory (1977): nonnatives put pitch accents both on prominent and less prominent words, f0 patterns of statements and questions indistinct, different L1 backgrounds showed different error patterns
L2 to L1
Phonetic Realization of Phonological IntonationDutch GreekIneke Mennen (2004): Both L1 and L2 influence each other in terms of phonetic realization of phonological intonation.
References
*
Second language (L2 )phonology is different fromfirst language (L1 )phonology in various ways. The differences are considered to come from general characteristics ofL2 , such as slower speech rate (Derwing and Munro, 1997) and lower proficiency than native speakers, and also from the interaction between nonnative speakers’L1 andL2 .Research on
L2 phonology has been done not only onsegment s (Best, 1995; Flege, 1991; Kuhl 1991), but also onprosody (Archibald, 1995; Derwing and Munro, 1997; Flege and Bohn, 1989; Magen, 1998: McGory, 1997; Mennen, 2004).L2 prosody , likeL2 segment s, has been studied in terms of its global characteristics andL1 -L2 interactions.L1 to L2
Global L2 prosody characteristics
Speech rate
L2 speech rate are typically slower than native speech. For example,Mandarin Chinese speakers’speech rate in an Englishutterance is slower than native English speakers’speech rate (Munro and Derwing, 1995), andspeech rates in asentence by highly experienced Italian and Korean nonnative speakers of English are slower than that of native English speakers' (Guion et al., 2000). In this study, the main factor of the slowerspeech rate for the Italian and Korean accented English was the durations of thevowels andsonorant consonants (Guion et al., 2000). Another source of the slowerspeech rate inL2 speech is thatL2 speakers tend to not reducefunction words , such as "the" or "and," as much as native speakers (Aoyama and Guion, 2007). The generally slowerspeech rate inL2 speech is correlated with the degree of perceivedforeign accent by native listeners (Derwing and Munro, 1997).L1-L2 interactions on prosody
Influence of L1 to L2 prosody
L2 speech is influenced by the speaker’sL1 background. Such influences has been explored in relation to manyprosodic features, such as pitchperception and pitch excursion (Beckman, 1986; Aoyama and Guion, 2007),stress placement (Archibald, 1995, 1998a, 1998b; Flege and Bohn, 1989; Archibald, 1997),syllable structure (Broselow and Park, 1995; Broslow, 1988; Eckman, 1991), andtone (Sereno and Wang, 2007; Guion and Pederson, 2007).Pitch perception and pitch excursions
When perceiving accented syllables in English, Japanese nonnative speakers of English tend to rely only on
F0 , or pitch of the accented syllables, while native speakers useF0 ,duration , andamplitude (Beckman, 1986). This finding was confirmed inproduction , by showing that the excursions ofF0 of Englishcontent word s were larger for Japanese nonnative speakers of English than for native English speakers (Aoyama and Guion, 2007).In both studies, the reason for this phenomenon was proposed to be related to the characteristics of the nonnative speakers’
L1 , Japanese. Japanese is amora-timed language , and because of this, longersyllable duration makes aphonological difference in Japanese. Therefore, when expressingstress in Japanese, Japanese speakers may rely more onF0 thanduration , which is a critical cue for a differentphonological distinction. ThisL1 characteristic might interfere with Japanese speakers’perception andproduction of English, which is astress-timed language and might be free of such durational restrictions.Stress Placement on words
Influence from
L1 toL2 was also found instress placement on words. Hungarian learners of English tend to place initialstress on English words that do not have initialstress , because Hungarian has fixed initialstress and this is transferred to Hungarian speakers'L2 Englishprosody (Archibald, 1995; 1998a; 1998b). Spanish speakers of English were found not to stress target stressed syllables in English, and this might be due to the lack of stress in Spanishcognates and thelexical similarity between Spanish and English words (Flege and Bohn, 1989). In addition, it is suggested that speakers oftone languages (e.g., Chinese) andpitch-accent languages (e.g., Japanese), both of which use pitch as aphonologically meaningful item, do not computestress placement in English, but rather store the stress information lexically (Archibald, 1997).Syllable Structure
L2 speakers can also perceive some innate characteristics of theL2 , which lead to different repair strategies for differentphonological patterns. KoreanL2 speakers of English add an extra final vowel to some English words but not to all (Broslow and Park, 1995), as in (1).(1) Korean pronunciations of English words
The problem is that modern Korean does not have a phonological
vowel length difference, and Korean speakers show their own repair mechanism for Englishminimal pairs that havetense /lax difference, by adding an extra final vowel to English words withtense vowels. This might be because Korean learners of English attempt to preserve themora count of the original English word, by adding an extra final vowel to words that have twomora s (Broslow and Park, 1995). Thesyllable structure of such a word might look like in (2)(2) Syllable structure of English “beat” by Korean nonnative speakers of English (adapted from Broslow and Park, 1995).
Tone: L2 perception, production, and learning
L2 listeners show different patterns oftone perception intone languages , such asMandarin Chinese . In Guion and Pederson (2007),native listeners ofMandarin judged the similarity of synthesizedMandarin tone s on the basis of bothF0 andF0 slope, while English and Japanese listeners used onlyF0 , notF0 slope . However, it was also observed that late learners ofMandarin showed similar patterns oftone perception asnative listeners ofMandarin , focusing on bothF0 andF0 slope of the tones. This suggests thatL2 learners can learn to attend to the cues thatL1 speakers use for thetone distinction.The possibility of learning new
L2 prosodic distinction was further explored in a training study onMandarin tones (Sereno and Wang, 2007). EnglishL2 listeners’ perception and production ofMandarin tones improved afterperceptual training , and this was observed bothbehaviorally andcortically :L2 listeners’ accuracy oftone perception andproduction improved, and increased activity of language areas in theleft hemisphere (superior temporal gyrus ) andneighboring effects on relevantneural areas were observed.References
* Aoyama, K. & Guion, S. G. (2007). Prosody in second language acquisition: Acoustic Analyses of duration and F0 range. In * * * Bohn, O.-S. & Munro, M. J. (Eds.), Lanugage experience in second language speech learning: In honor of James Emil Flege (pp. 282-297). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
* Archibald, J. (1995). The acquisition of stress. In J. Archibald (Ed.), Phonological acquisition and phonological theory (pp. 81-109). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
* Archibald, J. (1997). The acquisition of English stress by speakers of tone languages: Lexical storage versus computation. Linguistics, 35, 167-181.
* Archibald, J. (1998a). Metrical parameters and lexical dependency: Acquiring L2 stress. In S. Flynn & G. Martohardjono (eds.), The generative study of second language acquisition (Vol. 14, pp. 279-301). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
* Archibald, L. (1998b) Second language phonology. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
* Beckman, M. E. (1986). Stress and non-stress accent. Dordrecht, Holland: Foris.
* Best, C. T. (1995). A direct realist view of cross-language speech perception. In W. Strange (Ed.), Speech perception and linguistic experience: Issues in cross-language research (pp. 171-204). Timonium, MD: York Press.
* Broslow, E., & Park, H.-B. (1995). Mora conservation in second language prosody. In J. Archibald (Ed.), Phonological acquisition and phonological theory (pp. 81-109). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.*
* Derwing, T. M., & Munro, M. J. (1997). Accent, intelligibility, and comprehensibility: Evidence from four L1s. Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 19, 1-16.
* Eckman, F. (1991). The structural conformity hypothesis and the acquisition of consonant clusters in the interlanguage of ESL learners. Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 13, 23-41.
* Flege, J. E. (1991). Age of learning affects the authenticity of voice-onset time (VOT) in stop consonants produced in a second language. Journal of the Acoustical society of America, 89, 395-411.
* Flege, J. E., & Bohn, O.-S. (1989). An instrumental study of vowel reduction and stress placement in Spanish-accented English. Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 11, 35-62.
* Guion, S. G. & Pederson, E. (2007). Investigating the role of attention in phonetic learning. In Bohn, O.-S. & Munro, M. J. (Eds.), Lanugage experience in second language speech learning: In honor of James Emil Flege (pp. 57-78). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
* Guion, S. G., Flege, J. E., Liu, S. H., & Yeni-Komshian, G. H. (2000). Age of learning effects on the duration of sentences produced in a second language. Applied Psycholinguistics, 21, 205-228.
* Kuhl, P. K. (1991). Human adults and human infants show a “perceptual magnet effect” for the prototypes of speech categories, monkeys do not. perception & Psychophysics, 50, 93-107.
* Magen, I. (1998). The perception of foreign-accented speech. Journal of Phonetics, 26, 381-400.
* McGory, J. T. (1997). Acquisition of intonational prominence in English by Seoul Korean and Mandarin Chinese speakers. Unpublished Ph.D., Ohio State University.
* Mennen, I. (2004). Bi-directional interference in the intonation of Dutch speakers of Greek. Journal of Phonetics, 32, 543-563.
* Munro, M. J., & Derwing, T. M. (1995). Processing time, accent, and comprehensibility in the perception of native and foreign-accented speech. Language and Speech, 38, 289-306.
* Sereno, J. A. & Wang, Y. (2007). Behavioral and cortical effects of learning a second language: The acquisition of tone. In Bohn, O.-S. & Munro, M. J. (Eds.), Lanugage experience in second language speech learning: In honor of James Emil Flege (pp. 241-258). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
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