European colonization of Arizona

The modern colonization of Arizona started with the arrival of Europeans in 1528. Prior to this time, there were migrations of people in and out of this region. The Europeans undoubtedly brought different tools, plants and cultures which affected the various peoples who were already residing in Arizona, just as their European counterparts did later in history. European colonization can be broken down into four politically defined time frames: Spanish, Mexican, Territorial and Recent.

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Although the first European visitors to Arizona came in 1528, the most influential expeditions in early Spanish Arizona were those of Marcos de Niza and Francisco Vásquez de Coronado. The accounts of the early Spanish explorers with large mythical cities such as Cíbola, and large mineral deposits of copper and silver, would attract settlers and miners to the region in later years. The explorations led to the Columbian Exchange in Arizona and widespread epidemics of smallpox among the Native Americans.

Early Franciscans and Jesuits in Arizona also set up numerous missions such as San Xavier del Bac around the area to convert the Native Americans. The missionary Eusebio Francisco Kino in particular traveled around the Pimería Alta, exchanging gifts and catechizing the natives, who were then used as scouts for the purpose of learning developing events on the frontier. In 1680, the Pueblo Revolt drove Spaniards temporarily from northern New Mexico, but the area was reconquered in 1694.

The Columbian Exchange

The Columbian Exchange describes the exchange of crops, animals and diseases between the European and American continents. For example, the introduction of new types of livestock substantially affected the culture and environment in Arizona. In 1541, Eurpeans reported that southern plains Native Americans traveled by foot, their belongings were pulled by dogs. A hundred years later, the Navajo had incorporated horses into their way of life and were learning about sheep, and by the 1800s had vast flocks. The exchange of Old World animals and plants caused greater and more widespread changes than those of individual European military, religious figures, and conquistadors' explorations.

Wheat crops that the Pimas irrigated came from seed introduced by missionaries like Padre Eusebio Francisco Kino in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Prior to the arrival of Europeans, the major Pima food crops had been corn, beans, and squash. Those could only be grown during spring and summer months when frosts were not a danger. Wheat, on the other hand, could be sown in December and harvested in June, enabling the Pimas to farm year-round. That allowed them to live in larger, more permanent settlements, a crucial defensive measure against their enemies.

One of the most devastating consequences of the Columbian Exchange happened at a microbial level. Because many of the Asian, African, and European diseases originated in animals, especially those that had lived in herds, they had developed relatively successful adaptations to them. The exchange produced smallpox, measles, distemper, rinderpest, and constantly mutating strains of influenza. Smallpox first broke out in the Caribbean in 1518. Two years later it spread to Mexico and became a pandemic, sapping the strength of the Aztec, Tarascan, and Incan empires. Indian populations drastically declined by 66 to 95 percent during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. Because no Europeans lived among the Arizonan Indians for much of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the documentary record remains largely mute.

Early Spanish Expeditions

The first visitors from the Old World may have been Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca and his three companions, including a North African named Estevan. Shipwrecked off the Gulf coast of what is now Texas in 1528, the shipwrecked ones survived as slaves and shamans before trekking across half the continent. Some scholars believe they crossed Texas into New Mexico, nicking the southeastern corner of Arizona, before turning south into Sonora. Others argue they took a more southern route through Coahuila and Chihuahua. Regardless of where they went, they heard stories of Indian kingdoms to the north "where there were towns of great population and great houses." When they finally ran into a Spanish slaving party north of Culiacáb, Sinaloa, eight years later, they and their tales reached Mexico City. These stories launched the first documented penetrations of Arizona.

Fray Marcos de Niza led the initial expedition. Because Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza wanted to find his own Tenochitlán while keeping rival Hernán Cortés at bay, the Franciscan and his guide, Estevan, slipped quietly out of Mexico City and up the coast of New Spain. Estevan plunged up ahead and traveled as far north as the Zuni pueblos. He died after being wounded by Zuni arrows. Fray Marcos claimed to have followed in Estevan's footsteps until he came to a hill across from the Zuni pueblo of Cíbola, which he described as "larger than the city of Mexico." A number of researchers question whether he left the Sonora at all. They agree with Coronado, who called Fray Marcos a liar.

Regardless, Fray Marcos's description of Cíbola, just one of seven cities he called the "greatest and best" of all Spanish discoveries in the New World, triggered the expedition of Francisco Vásquez de Coronado in 1540. Governor of Nueva Galicia in western Mexico, Coronado led more than 300 Spaniards, including at least three women, and more than a thousand Indians on a path that took them from southern Nayarit to central Kansas, with the excursions of his lieutenants extending his own travels. Melchor Díaz crossed the Colorado River into California. Pedro de Tovar fought a battle with the Hopi Indians. García López de Cárdenas became the first European to see the Grand Canyon. Hernando de Alarcón sailed up the Gulf of California and navigated the shoals of Colorado. Coronando's party made the first systematic European exploration of the Southwest.

With the exception of Alarcón, who inquired the Yuman-speaking Indians along the Colorado about their methods of curing, their sexual practices, and their chronic warfare with one another, most members of the Coronado expedition showed little interest in the Native Americans of Arizona. There has been much disagreement about their route through the state because archaeological evidence has been lacking. Historian Herbert Eugene Bolton and geographer Carl Sauer believed that they ascended the San Pedro River, but Charles DiPeso argued that they crossed into Arizona near the modern town of Douglas. There is now significant archaeological evidence to corroborate Coronado's passage through Arizona (Brasher 2007; Seymour 2008).

Coronado's failure to find great cities of gold and silver put an end to Spanish designs on the region for the next forty years. No other Europeans entered Arizona until the 1580s, and then they came from New Mexico, not Sonora. The fortunes being made in Zacatecas, Guanajuato, and San Luis Potosi were much greater than those imagined in the fantasy of Cíbola, and because of those great silver strikes, Mexico's source of prosperity remained in the south.

In 1583, Antonio de Espejo led nine soldiers and more than a hundred Zunis on a search for precious metals through the north central part of the state. Espejo traded with the Hopis and claimed their territory for Phillip II of Spain. He also discovered silver and copper deposits in the vicinity of Jerome, east of Prescott. Both actions rekindled Spanish curiosity about Arizona, but neither resulted in a permanent Spanish presence.

An expedition of more far-reaching consequences was Juan de Oñate's colonization of northern New Mexico in 1598. Oñate and his large party of men, women, and livestock left the mining communities of southern Chihuahua in late January of that year. By November the Spaniards were in Hopi territory, chasing after the ore Espejo had discovered. The northern Arizona winter drove them back to the Zuni pueblos and eventually to the Rio Grande. Oñate therefore commissioned one of his captains, Marcos Farfán de los Godos, to search for the minerals instead.

Farfán and eight companions, along with some Hopi guides, rode southwest across the Little Colorado into the timbered country of the Mogollon Rim. There he and his party encountered Jumana Indians, who may have been Yuman-speaking Yavapais. The Jumanas daubed themselves with minerals of various colors, wore skins of deer and beaver, and lived on a diet of venison, wild plant foods, and maize. The Jumanas led Farfán to the valley of the Verde River.

The Verde enchanted Farfán with its "splendid pastures, fine plains, and excellent land for farming." The river also passed within a few miles of the mineral deposits discovered by Espejo, which were being mined by the Indians themselves. Farfán wrote: "These veins are so long and wide that one-half the people in New Spain could stake out claims in this land." This contributed to a legend of Arizona's fabulous wealth that attracted Spanish explorers, seeking water and silver.

Missionization of the Pimería Alta

Despite this, Verde Valley never became part of the Spanish empire. Like the rest of Arizona north of the Gila River, it remained in the hands of Native Americans for the next three hundred years. By 1600, however, the Spaniards had encountered most of the Indians—Pais, River Yumans, Sobaipuris, and Hopis—who emerge more clearly in later historical records. None of the early Spanish explorers recorded any contacts with two of Arizona's largest and most famous Native American peoples, the Athapaskan-speaking Navajos and Apaches, on Arizonan soil. To Coronado, much of what later became the Apache territory was an unpopulated, rugged terrain of pine forests and rushing rivers.

It is possible that the ancestors of the Apaches and Navajos simply stayed out of Coronado's way. Coronado crossed paths with the Apachean Querechos in northeastern New Mexico, and Espejo fought people who were probably Athapaskans in northwestern New Mexico, but apparently Apaches did not move south of the Little Colorado until the 1600s. Like the Spaniards, the Athapaskans were relative latecomers to the Southwest.

They were also opportunists. Linguists have shown that all Navajo and Apache groups spoke dialects of a single language, one related to those spoken by Athapaskan hunters and gatherers in northern Canada, meaning that the people who later became the Navajos and Chiricahua, Jicarilla, Lipan, Mescalero, Kiowa, and Western Apaches migrated south along the western edge of the Great Plains at about the same time. They used coyote- and wolf-sized dogs to carry their belongings and used bison for meat and hides. Oñate dubbed them the "Vaquero Apache."

Once they reached the Southwest, the Athapaskans diverged and absorbed many of the traits of their neighbors. Some groups established strong trading relationships with the Pueblo peoples, exchanging salt, bison hides, and deer skin for cotton blankets and agricultural produce. They also began farming in well-watered locations throughout the Four Corners area, including Arizona. By the 1630s, Spaniards in New Mexico were referring to them as Apaches de Nabajú.

Pueblo influences deepened after the 1680 Pueblo Revolt, which temporarily drove the Spaniards out of northern New Mexico. When the Spaniards reconquered the area in 1692, many rebels took refuge among the Apaches de Nabajú, teaching them how to make pottery, weave close-coiled baskets, perform complex ceremonies, and inspiring them to organize themselves into matrilineal clans. Puebloan and Athapaskan elements fused to create a new system of action and belief that became the Navajo culture.

The Navajos also took a thorough knowledge of domestic animals from the Spanish. Horses enabled them to raid their neighbors. Sheep and goats allowed them to fan out across the mesa and canyon country of the Colorado Plateau. By the end of the eighteenth century, they were even carrying a trade in woolen blankets with Spanish communities in New Mexico. Hunters and gatherers by origin, the Navajos quickly became the greatest Indian pastoralists in North America.

Contacts with the Pueblo peoples and the Spaniards revolutionized Apache society as well. During the seventeenth century, small Apache groups continued their southward migrations. As bands splintered and drifted away from one another, cultural and linguistic differences developed. The Western Apaches, who settled in the White Mountains, adopted matrilineal clans and ceremonial masked dancers from their Pueblo neighbors. The Chiricahua Apaches, on the other hand, never organized themselves into clans, indicating that their relationships with the Pueblo Indians were more tenuous.

The Chiricahuas did ally themselves with small groups of Uto-Aztecan hunters and gatherers in southeastern Arizona and northern Mexico known as the Sumas, Mansos, Janos, and Jocomes. When the Spaniards appeared, these groups and Apache newcomers joined together to raid Spanish herds. The Sumas and Mansos died out or were absorbed into Apache society, but the Chiricahuas prospered. Over the next two hundred years, the Chircahua Indians would become known for frightening Hispanic settlers.

By the late 1600s, the Apaches and their allies had begun praying upon the Piman communities of southern Arizona. In March 1699, the Jesuit missionary Eusebio Francisco Kino and Juan Mateo Manje, the second-highest civil official in Sonora, visited Sobaipuri (an important early subgroup of the O'odham) settlements in the Tucson Basin. Manje reported that Sobaipuri along the San Pedro River had "just finished devastating a rancheria of Apaches, capturing some children and other booty. This was a response to an Apache attack on the pueblo of Santa Maria three weeks earlier, when the enemies ran off the few horses the community had. The people of Humari [a Pima chief] has gone forth to avenge that raid, just as these Pimans would do now."

Earlier, the Spaniards had tried to bring the Hopis back into their sphere of influence. In 1629 the Franciscans founded a mission at Awatovi, followed by additional missions at Shongopovi and Oraibi. The Hopis began to resist in a variety of ways, poisoning one of the first missionaries and protesting the abuses of others. When the Pueblo Revolt broke out, the Hopis swiftly dispatched the four Franciscans living among them. Then, in 1700, to make sure the missionaries never regained a foothold in their territory, they destroyed the Christian village of Awatovi and killed its men. Both the Franciscans and the Jesuits made sporadic attempts to return to the Hopi mesas, but their attempts failed.

As a result, the Sonoran Desert rather than the Colorado Plateau became the focus of missionary activity in Arizona for the rest of the colonial period. Missionaries and Spanish officials alike dreamed of extending the empire to the Gila River, to Hopi country, and beyond, but the Apache resistance halted the Spanish advance in what came to be called the Pimería Alta.

Even there the European presence was dangerously lacking in security and stability. Beginning in 1698, Kino and his colleagues established missions among O'odham living in the river valleys of northern Sanora. Some of the new converts rebelled in 1695, but the missions withstood the rebellion and Kino pushed onward. He explored Tohono O'odham (Papago) country as far west as the Colorado River, visited the Sobaipuri Pimas along the Santa Cruz and San Pedro, and traveled as far north as the Salt River Valley, where he preached to the Gileños, as the Akimel O'odham living along the Salt and Gila rivers were called. Nearly everywhere he and his companions went, the O'odham welcomed them with food, arches made of branches, and simple wooden crosses. It was generally thought among the Pimas that Kino was charismatic and energetic. They responded to his warmth and his drive.

They also appreciated the material gifts he gave them: grain seeds, vegetables, fruit trees, and small herds of livestock. Kino and his fellow missionaries knew that in order to convert the Indians, they had to change the way they lived as well. The foundation of their efforts therefore became the policy of "reducción", which involved "reducing" the Indians to village life, in which they could easily become catechized and controlled. The O'odham moved to gathering camps each year to harvest mesquite pods, cholla buds, saguaro fruit, and other wild foods. It was part of their seasonal round, but Jesuits feared such movement because they believed that the Indians reverted to their "pagan" habits away from mission discipline.

In northern Sonora, most Pimas accepted, or were forced to accept, Spanish ideas about the way civilized people should live. In Arizona, on the other hand, missionization proceeded more slowly. Kino founded missions San Xavier and San Miguel at the Piman communities of Bac and Guevavi along the Santa Cruz, but the Jesuits soon abandoned those northern outposts. They were not staffed until 1732, twenty-one years after Kino died.

The rest of Pimería Alta never came under Spanish control. Nonetheless, both the Sobaipuris along the San Pedro River and the Gileños along the Gila became staunch allies of the Spaniards, fighting with the Apaches and trading with the communities of Tucson and Tubac. According to historian Kieran McCarty, the Pimas served as the perennial listening post during both the Spanish and Mexican periods for situations developing beyond the frontier. Without the O'odham allies, Hispanic Arizona would not have survived.

Mexican Period

With the independence of Mexico, the European colonization continued.

Territorial Period

Manifest Destiny, prospectors, California expedition, Apache Wars, reservations, are part of the European colonization of Arizona.

The Depression and World Wars Period

Hopi education revolt, Navajo Livestock Reduction, and gentrification of the Colorado River.

References

*Brasher, Nugent. (2007) "The Chichilticale Camp of Francisco Vázquez de Coronado: The Search for the Red House". New Mexico Historical Review, Volume 82, No. 4.
*Seymour, Deni J. (2008) "Evaluating Eyewitness Accounts Of Native Peoples Along The Coronado Trail from the International Border To Cibola". "New Mexico Historical Review".
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External links

*http://chichilticale.com/