Helots

The helots (in Classical Greek polytonic|Εἵλωτες / "Heílôtes") were an unfree population group that formed the main population of Laconia and the whole of Messenia. Their exact status was already disputed in Antiquity: according to Critias, they were "especially slaves" [Apud Libanios, "Orationes" 25, 63 = frag. 37 DK; see also Plutarch, "Life of Lycurgus" 28, 11.] whereas to Pollux, they were "between free men and slaves". [Pollux 3, 83. The expression probably originates in Aristophanes of Byzantium; Cartledge, p.139.] Tied to the land, they worked in agriculture as a majority and economically supported the Spartan citizens. Because they were perceived as a threat to Spartans, they were ritually mistreated, humiliated and even slaughtered: every autumn, during the crypteia, they could be killed by a Spartan citizen without fear of repercussion. [Plutarch, "Life of Lycurgus", 28, 3–7.] [Herakleides Lembos "Fr. Hist. Gr." 2, 210.] [Athenaeus 657 D.]

Etymology

Several theories exist regarding the origin of the name "helots." According to Hellanicus, the word relates to the village of Helos, in the south of Sparta. [Hellanicos, frag. 188 J.] Pausanias thus states, "Its inhabitants became the first slaves of the Lacedaemonian state, and were the first to be called helots". [http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0160&query=chapter%3D%23102&layout=&loc=3.21.1 Trans. by W.H.S. Jones and H.A. Ormerod] (1918), accessed 11 June 2006. Pausanias 3, 20, 6.] This explanation is however not very plausible in etymological terms. [P. Chantraine, "Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque", s.v. polytonic|Εἵλωτες.]

Linguists have associated the word with the root (linguistics) polytonic|ϝελ / "wel", as in polytonic|ἁλίσκομαι / "halískomai", "to be captured, to be made prisoner." In fact, some ancient authors did not consider the term ethnic, but rather an indication of servitude: Antiochus of Syracuse writes: "those of the Lacedaemonians who did not take part in the expedition were adjudged slaves and were named helots" [ [" [http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0198;layout=;query=toc;loc=6.3.1 Geography Trans. by H.L. Jones] (1924), accessed June 11th, 2006. Apud Strabo 6, 3, 2.] , while Theopompus (fragment 122), cited by Athenaeus (VI, 416c), states, "...and the one nation called their slaves helots and the others called them penestae...." [Athenaeus of Naucratis. Yonge, C.D., Editor. " [http://digital.library.wisc.edu/1711.dl/Literature.AthV1 "The Deipnosophists", or "Banquet of the Learned", of Athenæus] ". accessed 11 June 2006.]

"In all of these texts, the christening of the group as helots is the central and symbolic moment of their reduction to serfhood. By this name they are thus institutionally distinguished from the anonymous "douloi" (slaves). [Ducat [1990] , p.7.] "

It is certain that one aspect of helotism was the element of conquest; thus Messenians, who were conquered in the Messenian Wars of the 8th century BC, become synonymous in Herodotus with helots.

The situation is less clear in the case of the earliest helots, who, according to Theopompus, were descended from the initial Achaeans, who had been conquered by the Dorians. But then not all Achaeans were reduced to helotism: the village of Amykles, home of the Hyacinthia festival, enjoyed special status, as did others.

Contemporary authors propose alternative theories: according to Antiochus of Syracuse, helots were the Lacedaemonians who did not participate in the Messenian Wars; for Ephorus of Cyme, they were the "perioeci" ("dwellers in surrounding communities") from Helos, reduced to slavery after a failed revolt. Modern historiography favours the hypothesis of Antiochus of Syracuse.

System

Status

Helots and "klēroi"

Helots were assigned to citizens to carry out domestic work or to work on their "klēroi". Various sources mention such servants accompanying this or that Spartan. Plutarch has Timaia, the wife of King Agis II, "being herself forward enough to whisper among her helot maid-servants" that the child she was expecting had been fathered by Alcibiades, and not her husband, indicating a certain level of trust. ["Life of Agesilaus" 3, 1.] According to some authors, in the fourth century BC, citizens also used chattel-slaves for domestic purposes. However, this is disputed by others. Some helots were also servants to young Spartans during their "agoge", the Spartan education; these were the μόθωνες / "móthōnes" (see below). Finally, helots, like slaves, could be artisans or tradesmen. [Lévy, p.119.]

They were required to hand over a predetermined portion of their harvest (polytonic|ἀποφορά / "apophorá"), with the helots keeping the surplus. According to Plutarch, this portion was 70 medimnoi of barley for a man, 12 for a woman, as well as a quantity of oil and wine corresponding to an amount reasonable for the needs of a warrior and his family, or a widow, respectively. ["Life of Lycurgus" 8, 7 and 24, 2.] The existence of the "apophorá" is contested by Tyrtaeus: "Secondly, though no fixed tribute was imposed on them, they used to bring the half of all the produce of their fields to Sparta.... Like asses worn by their great burdens, bringing of dire necessity to their masters the half of all the fruits the corn-land bears." [Apud Pausanias 4, 14, 4–5.] Pausanias is describing the period immediately after the first Messenian War, when conditions were probably more severe. [Lévy, p.120-121.]

Having paid their tribute, the helots could often live rather well; the lands of Laconia and Messenia were very fertile, and often permitted two crops per year. [Lévy, p.121.] It seems they could enjoy some private propertyCartledge, p.141.] : in 425 BC, some helots had their own boats. [Thucydides 4, 26, 6.] A certain amount of wealth was achievable: in 223 BC, 6,000 helots purchased their freedom for 500 drachmas each, a considerable sum at the time. [Plutarch, "Life of Cleomeles" 23.]

Demography

Helots lived in family units and could, at least " de facto", contract unions among themselves. [Tyrtaeus frag. 7.] Since helots were much less susceptible than other slaves in Greek antiquity to having their family units dispersed, they could reproduce themselves, or at least maintain their number. Probably not insignificant to begin with, increased in spite of the "crypteia", other massacres of helots (see below), and losses in war. Simultaneously, the population of citizens declined.

The absence of a formal census prevents an accurate assessment of the helot population, but estimates are possible. According to Herodotus, helots were seven times as numerous as Spartans during the Battle of Plataea in 479 BC. [Herodotus 8, 28-29.] At the time of the conspiracy of Cinadon, the beginning of the fourth century BC, only forty Peers, or citizens, could be counted in a crowd of 4000 at the agora (Xenophon, "Hellenica", III, 3, 5). The total population of helots at that time, including women, is estimated as 170,000 – 224,000. [P. Cartledge, "Agesilaos and the Crisis of Sparta", Johns Hopkins University, London, 1994, p. 174.] .

Given that the helot population could not grow by means of purchase or capture in war, it had to rely on natural growth. Helots were encouraged by the Spartans to impose a eugenics similar to that which they, themselves, practiced. Thus would, according to Greek beliefs of the period, not only genetic but also acquired characteristics be passed along to successive generations. During the "crypteia," the strongest and fittest helots were the primary targets of the "kryptes"; to select soft targets would be interpreted as a sign of weakness.

What is more, the Spartans used helot women to satisfy the state's human resource needs: the 'bastards' ("nothoi") born of Spartan fathers and helot women held an intermediary rank in Lacedaemonian society (cf. "mothakes" and "mothones" below) and swelled the ranks of the citizen army. It is difficult to determine whether these births were the results of voluntary liaisons (at least on the part of the father) or part of a formal state program. Girls born of such unions, serving no military purpose, were likely abandoned at birth and left to die. [fr icon J. Tregaro, "Les bâtards spartiates" ("Spartan Bastards"), in "Mélanges Pierre Lévêque", 1993.]

Emancipation

According to Myron of Priene, cited by Athenaeus ("The Deipnosophists", VI, 271F), the emancipation of helots was "common" (polytonic|πολλάκις / "pollákis"). The text suggests that this is normally associated with completion of military service. The first explicit reference to this practice in regards the helots occurs in Thucydides (IV, 26, 5). This is on the occasion of the events at Sphacteria, when Sparta had to relieve their hoplites, who were besieged on the island by the Athenians:

"The fact was, that the Lacedaemonians had made advertisement for volunteers to carry into the island ground corn, wine, cheese, and any other food useful in a siege; high prices being offered, and freedom promised to any of the helots who should succeed in doing so".Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910. Online at the [http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=Thuc.+toc Perseus project] . accessed 11 June 2006 ]

Thucydides reports that the request met with some success, and the helots got supplies through to the besieged island. He does not mention whether or not the Spartans kept their word; it is possible that some of the helots later executed were part of the Sphacterian volunteers.

The second such call came during the Theban invasion of Laconia. Xenophon in "Hellenica" (VI, 5, 28) states that the authorities agreed to emancipate all the helots who volunteered. He then estimates that 6,000 heeded the call, leading to some embarrassment for the Spartans

All the same, in 424 BC, the 700 helots who served Brasidas in Chalcidice were emancipated, and they were henceforth known as the "Brasidians". It was also possible to purchase freedom, or achieve it by undergoing the traditional Spartan education. Generally, emancipated helots were referred to as "neodamodes" (polytonic|νεοδαμώδεις / "neodamōdeis"): those who rejoined the polytonic|δῆμος / "dễmos" (Deme) of the Perioeci.

Moses Finley underscores that the fact helots could serve as hoplites constituted a grave flaw in the system. In effect, the hoplite system was a strict method of training to ensure that discipline was maintained in the phalanx. The Spartans gained considerable reputation as hoplites, due to tactical capabilities developed through constant training. In addition to this military aspect, to be a hoplite was a key characteristic of Greek citizenship.To introduce helots to this system thus led to inevitable social conflict.

A special case: "mothakes" and "mothones"

Phylarchus mentions a class of men that were at the same time free and non-citizens: the polytonic|μόθακες / "mothakes", who had undergone the "'agoge", the Spartan educational system. [Apud Athenaeus, 6, 271e.] Classical historiography recognizes that the helots comprised a large portion of these "mothakes". Nevertheless, this category poses a number of problems, firstly that of vocabulary.

The classical authors used a number of terms which appear to evoke similar concepts:
* / "mothakes": a connotation of freedom, Phylarchos affirmed that they were free ("eleutheroi"), Claudius Aelianus ("Varia Historia", 12, 43) that they could be citizens;
* / "mothōnes": a connotation of servility, the word designates slaves born to the home;
* / "trophimoi": pupils, adopted children, whom Plutarch classified among the "xenoi" (strangers);
* / "suntrophoi": literally, "they who were raised with", that is to say, milk-siblings, given by Phylarchus as equivalent to "mothakes";
* / "paratrephonoi" : literally, "those who were fed near you", signification rather different from the preceding (this word also applied to domestic animals).

The situation is somewhat complicated by a gloss of Hesychios of Alexandria which attests that "mothakes" were slave children (polytonic|δοῦλοι / "doũloi") raised at the same time as the children of citizens. Philologists resolve this quandary in two ways:

* they insist on reading polytonic|μoθᾶνες / "mothãnes", as a hapax for polytonic|μόθωνες (Arnold J. Toynbee);
* the hypothesis that "douloi" has been interpolated by a copyist who confounded "mothakes" and "mothônes".

In any case, the conclusion needs to be treated carefully:

* the "mothônes" were young servants charged with domestic tasks for young Spartans during their education (Aristotle, I, 633c), they remained slaves on reaching adulthood;
* the "mothakes" were an independent freeborn group of helots.

Fear and humiliation

"Contempt of helots"

This expression by Jean Ducat expresses another of the great characteristics of helots among the servile populations of Greek antiquity: they were subject to ritual mistreatment. The main sources about this are Theompompus, Myron of Priene (3rd century BC, quoted by Athenaeus)

Myron of Priene specifies the humiliations they were subjected to: they had to wear hats made of dog skin (polytonic|κυνῆ / "kunễ") as well as sheep hides (polytonic|διφθέρα / "diphthéra") to distinguish themselves from others. [Athenaeus, 14, 647d.] The canine symbolism was clear to the Greeks: that of a servile and cowardly animal. Yet the "dipthera" (literally, "leather") was the general attire of the poor peasant class and was worn as well by freemen in Athens. [Ducat [1990] , p.114; Lévy, p.122.] As such, in Aristophanes' "The Clouds" this is the attire of the character Strepsiades. The word polytonic|κυνῆ / "kunễ" is used in Greek literature, especially by Homer in the "Iliad", to mean a helmet; in Athens, and in the "Odyssey" (XXIV, 231), it also means a leather or skin hat. Each year, the helots were ritually flogged, apparently for no other reason than to affirm their servitude; perhaps only a small group was actually flogged, symbolically representing the whole helot population. [Lévy, p. 125.]

Myron of Priene also indicates that helots who became too fat were put to death, with their masters fined for letting them get fat. [Apud Athenaeus, 14, 657d.] The obligation of masters to prevent fatness amongst their helots appears somewhat incongruous: as the "Homoioi" lived separately, how could dietary intake be rigorously controlled?Ducat [1990] , p.120.] Additionally, as manual labour was an important function of the Helots (for example, being used to carry their master's arms and armour on campaign), it would make sense to keep the helots well nourished. From Thucydides [Thucydides 4, 6, 1.] we know of the rations afforded by the Spartans to their besieged hoplites on Sphacteria: two "khoinikes" of barley flour, two "kotyloi" of wine and an unquantified portion of meat. The helots were on half-rations. An Attic "koinix" is 698 gr. which, according to calculations [L. Foxhall and H. A. Forbes, "Sitometria": The Role of Grain as a Staple Food in Classical Antiquity" in "Chiron" Number 12 (1982), p. 41–90.] , was far from miserable: it corresponds to 81% of daily nutritional needs for a moderately active man, according to FAO standards. Complemented with the wine and meat, it can be considered as close to normal, given that the fighting had subsided and that the said helots were only attending to their domestic duties. [Ducat [1990] , p.120.] Finally, the very penalty exacted for letting the helots get fat suggests helots could get fat [Lévy, "op.cit.", p.122.]

Plutarch also indicates that they were forced to drink pure wine (which was considered dangerous - wine usually being cut with water) "…and to lead them in that condition into their public halls, that the children might see what a sight a drunken man is; they made them to dance low dances, and sing ridiculous songs…" during syssitia (obligatory banquets) ["Life of Lycurgus" 28, 8-10. See also, "Life of Demetrios", 1, 5; "Constitution of the Lacedemonians" 30; "De Cohibenda Ira" 6; "De Commmunibus Notitiis" 19.] Conversely, it was reported in the same source that the Thebans ordered a group of helot prisoners to recite the verses of Alcman and Terpander (national poets of Thebes); the helots refused, on the grounds that it would displease their masters.

Finally, the ephors annually declared war on the helots, [Aristotle apud by Plutarch, "Life of Lycurgus" 28, 7 = frag. 538 R.] thereby allowing Spartans to kill them without repercussion. This task was given to the "kryptes", graduates of the difficult "agoge" who took part in the crypteia. [Herakleides Lembos, frag. 370,10 Dilts = frag. 538 Rose.] In 425 BC, 2,000 helots were also massacred in a carefully staged event. Thucydides (IV, 80, 4) states:

"The helots were invited by a proclamation to pick out those of their number who claimed to have most distinguished themselves against the enemy, in order that they might receive their freedom; the object being to test them, as it was thought that the first to claim their freedom would be the most high spirited and the most apt to rebel. As many as two thousand were selected accordingly, who crowned themselves and went round the temples, rejoicing in their new freedom. The Spartans, however, soon afterwards did away with them, and no one ever knew how each of them perished."

Security measures

This hatred of the Spartans towards the helots originates in fear: given the relatively small number of Spartans in comparison with the servile population, the natural fear that helots would attempt to destroy them contributed to their mistreatment. According to tradition, the Equals always carried their spears, undid the straps of their bucklers only when at home lest the helots seize them, and locked themselves in their homes. [Critias, frag. B 37] Thucydides sums it up in a celebrated phrase: "most Spartan institutions have always been designed with a view to security against the Helots". [Trans. by Cartledge, annex 4, p.299; The sentence can also be translated quite differently: "as far as the Helots are concerned, most Spartan institutions have always been designed with a view to security" ("ibid."). Thycydides 4, 80, 3.]

Helot revolts

In spite of the brutality of their existence, helots seldom revolted. The few citations which have been associated with helot revolt are discussed below.

The Pausanias plot

The first helot attempt at revolt which is historically reported is that provoked by general Pausanias in the 5th century BC. Thucydides (I, 132, 4) reports:

"Besides, they were informed that he was even intriguing with the helots; and such indeed was the fact, for he promised them freedom and citizenship if they would join him in insurrection, and would help him to carry out his plans to the end. "

These intrigues do not however lead to a helot uprising; Thucydides indeed implies that Pausanias was turned in by the helots (I, 132, 5 - "...the evidence even of the helots themselves.") There is little doubt that the promises made by Pausanias were too generous to be credible; not even Brasidas, when he emancipated his helot volunteers, offered full citizenship.

Massacre at Taenarus

The massacre of Cape Taenarus, at the tip of Taygetus, is also reported by Thucydides (I, 128, 1):

"The Lacedaemonians had once raised up some helot suppliants from the temple of Poseidon at Taenarus, led them away and slain them; for which they believe the great earthquake at Sparta to have been a retribution. "

This affair, recalled by the Athenians in responding to a Spartan request to exile the Alcmaeonidae Pericles, is not dated. We know only that it happened before the disastrous earthquake of 464 BC. Thucydides here is the only one to implicate the helots: Pausanias (IV, 24, 5) speaks rather about Lacedaemonians who had been condemned to death. Nor does the text allow us to conclude that this was a failed uprising of helots, only that there was an attempt at escape. Additionally, a helot revolt in Laconia is unlikely, and Messenians would not likely be refugees near Cape Taenarus.

Earthquake

The uprising coincident with the earthquake of 464 BC is soundly attested to, although Greek historians do not agree on the interpretation of this event.

According to Thucydides (I, 101, 2), the helots and perioeci of Thouria and Aithaia took advantage of the earthquake to revolt and establish a position on Ithome. He adds that most of the rebels were of Messenian ancestry--confirming the appeal of Ithome as a historical place of Messenian resistance--and focuses attention on the perioeci of Thouria, a city on the Messianian coast. Conversely, we can deduce that a minority of the helots were Laconian, thus making this the one and only revolt of their history. Commentators such as Stephanus of Byzantium suggest that this Aithaia was in Laconia, thus indicating a large-scale uprising in the region. The version of events given by Pausanias is similar.

Diodorus Siculus (XI, 63,4 – 64,1), probably influenced by Ephorus of Cyme, attributed the uprising equally to the Messenians and the helots. This version of events is supported by Plutarch ("Life of Lycurgus", 28, 12).

Finally, some authors place responsibility for the uprising with the helots of Laconia. This is the case of Plutarch in his "Life of Cimon"(17, 8): the helots of the Eurotas River valley want to use the earthquake to attack the Spartans whom they think are disarmed. The intervention of Archidamus II, who calls the Lacedaemonians to arms, simultaneously saves them from the earthquake and the helot attack. The helots fold, but revert to open warfare joined by the Messenians.

It is difficult to reconcile these versions. It is nevertheless clear that in any case the revolt of 464 BC represented a major traumatic event for the Spartans. Plutarch indicates that the Crypteia and other poor treatments of the helots were instituted after this revolt. If there is any doubt in these affirmations, they at least underscore the immediate Spartan reaction: allies are gathered and war ensues with the same Athens that would be faced later in the Peloponnesian War.

Athenian outposts

During the same war and after the capitulation of the Spartans besieged in Sphacteria, the Athenians installed a garrison in Pylos composed of Messenians from Naupactus. Thucydides (IV, 41, 2–3) underlines that they had hoped to exploit the patriotism of the latter in order to pacify the region. Though the Messenians may not have triggered full-blown guerrilla warfare, they nevertheless pillaged the area and encouraged helot desertion. Sparta was forced to dedicate a garrison to controlling this activity; this was the first of the polytonic|ἔπιτειχισμόι / "épiteikhismoi" ("ramparts"), outposts planted by the Athenians in enemy territory.

The second such outpost was at Kythera. This time, the Athenians set their sights on the helots of Laconia. Again, pillaging and desertion did occur, but not on the scale hoped for by the Athenians or feared by the Spartans: there was no uprising like that which accompanied the earthquake.

See also

* Dependent groups in Greece: the Penestae of Thessaly
* General article: Slavery in Ancient Greece
* Intermediate status in Sparta: Neodamodes, Trophimoi, Perioeci, Sciritae.

Notes

Bibliography

* Paul Cartledge. "Sparta and Lakonia. A Regional History 1300 to 362 BC". Routledge, New York, 2002 (2nd edn). ISBN 0-415-26276-3
* Jean Ducat:
** fr icon "Le Mépris des Hilotes", in "Annales ESC", Number 29 (1974), p. 1451-1564
** fr icon "Aspects of Helotism", in "Ancient Society", Number 9 (1978), p. 5-46
** fr icon " [http://cefael.efa.gr/detail.php?site_id=1&actionID=page&prevpos=14&serie_id=BCHSuppl&volume_number=20&issue_number=0 Les Hilotes] ". Athènes : École française d'Athènes, Bulletin de correspondence hellénique, suppl. XX, 1990. ISBN 2-86958-034-7
* Moses Finley, "Sparte et la société spartiate", "Économie et société en Grèce ancienne", Seuil, "Points Histoire" collection, 1984. ISBN 2-02-014644-4
* Yvon Garlan:
** fr icon "Greek slaves in time of war", in "Actes du Colloque d'histoire", Besançon, 1970
** fr icon "Slaves in Ancient Greece", La Découverte, coll. "Textes à l'appui" collection, Paris, 1995. ISBN 2-7071-2475-3
* Edmond Lévy. "Sparte : histoire politique et sociale jusqu’à la conquête romaine." Seuil, "Points Histoire" collection, Paris, 2003. ISBN 2-02-032453-9
* Pavel Oliva, "Sparta and her Social Problems", Academia, Prague, 1971
* Sarah B. Pomeroy, "Spartan Women", Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2002. ISBN 0-19-513067-7

External links

* [http://www.livius.org Livius] , [http://www.livius.org/so-st/sparta/helots.html Helots] by Jona Lendering