Clitic climbing

Clitic climbing is a phenomenon first identified in Romance languages in which a pronominal object of an embedded infinitive appears attached to the matrix verb. Pronominal objects in Romance languages are typically expressed as clitics. Hence the name clitic climbing. The following Italian example illustrates the phenomenon. The object pronoun, lo, a clitic, is attached to the infinitive in the embedded or subordinate clause in (1a). In (1b), the clitic has "climbed" to the main or matrix clause and is attached to the matrix verb. There is no discernible difference in meaning between the two forms.

(1)	a.	Gianni	vuole	comprar=lo.
		Gianni	wants	to.buy=it
		"Gianni wants to buy it."
	b.	Gianni	lo=vuole	comprare.
		Gianni	it=wants	to.buy
		"Gianni wants to buy it."

Clitic climbing is found in almost all Romance languages. It is notably absent in some constructions of French. In certain French constructions, causatives with certain embedded verbs, climbing is obligatory.

Other language families

Austronesian

Tagalog

Clitic climbing is also found in Tagalog. As in the Italian example in (1) above, the embedded clause clitic, siya "her", in (2a) can optionally appear in the matrix clause as in (2b).

(2)	a.	S‹in›ubuk.an	ni	Juan	=ng	dalaw.in=siya.
		‹pfv›try.psv	gen	Juan	comp	visit.psv=3sg.nom
		"Juan tried to visit her."
	b.	S‹in›ubuk.an=siya	ni	Juan	=ng	dalaw.in.
		‹pfv›try.psv=3sg.nom	gen	Juan	comp	visit.psv
		"Juan tried to visit her."

Only clitics from embedded clauses in which the verb does not exhibit any aspectual morphology can climb to the matrix clause in Tagalog.

(3)	a.		S‹in›abi.∅	ni	Juan	na	d‹in›alaw.∅=siya	ni	Pedro.
			‹pfv›say.psv	gen	Juan	comp	‹pfv›visit.psv=3sg.nom	gen	Pedro
			"Juan said that Pedro visited her."
			(or "Juan said that she was visited by Pedro.")
	b.	*	S‹in›abi.∅=siya	ni	Juan	na	d‹in›alaw.∅	ni	Pedro.
			‹pfv›say.psv=3sg.nom	gen	Juan	comp	‹pfv›visit.psv	gen	Pedro
			"Juan said that Pedro visited her."
			(or "Juan said that she was visited by Pedro.")

So, the sentence in (2b) is grammatical because the embedded verb, dalawin "to be visited", is not marked for any aspect, whereas the sentence in (3b) is ungrammatical because clitic climbing has occurred out of the embedded clause in which the verb, dinalaw "was visited", is marked for the perfective aspect.

References

Rizzi, Luigi. 1978. A Restructuring Rule in Italian Syntax. In Recent Transformational Stucdies in European Languages, ed. Samuel J. Keyser, 113-158. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.