- Political geography
Political geography is the field of
human geography that is concerned with the study of both the spatially uneven outcomes ofpolitical processes and the ways in which political processes are themselves affected by spatial structures. Conventionally political geography adopts a three scale structure for the purposes of analysis with the study ofthe state at the centre, above this is the study ofinternational relations (orgeopolitics ), and below it is the study of localities. The primary concerns of the sub-discipline can be summarised as the inter-relationships between people, state, and territory.TOCnestrightHistory
The origins of political geography lie in the origins of human geography itself and the early practitioners were concerned mainly with the
military and political consequences of the relationships between physical geography, state territories, and state power. In particular there was a close association withregional geography , with its focus on the unique characteristics of regions, andenvironmental determinism with its emphasis on the influence of the physical environment on human activities. This association found expression in the work of the German geographerFriedrich Ratzel who, in 1897 in his book "Politische Geographie", developed the concept ofLebensraum (living space) which explicitly linked the cultural growth of a nation with territorial expansion, and which was later used to provide academic legitimation for the imperialist expansion of the German Third Reich in the 1930s.The British geographer Halford Mackinder was also heavily influenced by environmental determinism and in developing his concept of the 'geopolitical pivot of history' or heartland (first developed in 1904) he argued that the era of sea power was coming to an end and that land based powers were in the ascendant, and, in particular, that whoever controlled the heartland of 'Euro-Asia' would control the world. This theory involved concepts diametrically opposed to the ideas of
Alfred Thayer Mahan about the significance of "sea power" in world conflict. Theheartland theory hypothesized the possibility of a huge empire being created which didn't need to use coastal or transoceanic transport to supply its military industrial complex, and that this empire could not be defeated by the rest of the world coalitioned against it. This perspective proved influential throughout the period of the Cold War, underpinning military thinking about the creation ofbuffer state s between East and West in central Europe.The heartland theory depicted a world divided into a "Heartland" (Eastern Europe/Western Russia); "World Island" (Eurasia and Africa); "Peripheral Islands" (British Isles, Japan, Indonesia and Australia) and "New World" (The Americas). Mackinder claimed that whoever controlled the Heartland would have control of the world. He used this warning to politically influence events such as the
Treaty of Versailles , where buffer states were created between theUSSR andGermany , to prevent either of the them controlling the Heartland. At the same time, Ratzel was creating a theory of states based around the concepts of Lebensraum andSocial Darwinism . He argued that states were 'organisms' that needed sufficient room in which to live. Both of these writers created the idea of a political and geographicalscience , with an objective view of the world. Pre-World War II political geography was concerned largely with these issues of global power struggles and influencing state policy, and the above theories were taken on board by German geopoliticians (seeGeopolitik ) such asKarl Haushofer who - perhaps inadvertently - greatly influenced Nazi political theory. A form of politics legitimated by 'scientific' theories such as a 'neutral' requirement for state expansion was very influential at this time.The close association with environmental determinism and the freezing of political boundaries during the
Cold War led to a considerable decline in the importance of political geography which was described by Brian Berry in 1968 as 'a moribund backwater'. Although in other areas of human geography a number of new approaches were invigorating research, including quantitative spatial science, behavioural studies, and structural marxism, these were largely ignored by political geographers whose main point of reference continued to be the regional approach. As a result much political geography of this period was descriptive with little attempt to produce generalisations from the data collected. It was not until 1976 that Richard Muir could argue that political geography might not be a dead duck but could in fact be a phoenix.Areas of Study
From the late-1970s onwards political geography has undergone a renaissance, and could fairly be described as one of the most dynamic of the sub-disciplines today. The revival was underpinned by the launch of the journal Political Geography Quarterly (and its expansion to bi-monthly production as Political Geography). In part this growth has been associated with the adoption by political geographers of the approaches taken up earlier in other areas of human geography, for example, Ron Johnston's work on electoral geography relied heavily on the adoption of quantitative spatial science, Robert Sack's work on territoriality was based on the behavioural approach, and Peter Taylor's work on World Systems Theory owes much to developments within structural marxism. However the recent growth in the vitality and importance of the sub-discipline is also related to changes in the world as a result of the end of the Cold War, including the emergence of a new world order (which as yet is only poorly defined), and the development of new research agendas, such as the more recent focus on social movements and political struggles going beyond the study of nationalism with its explicit territorial basis. Recently, too, there has been increasing interest in the geography of green politics (see, for example, David Pepper's work), including the geopolitics of environmental protest, and in the capacity of our existing state apparatus and wider political institutions to address contemporary and future environmental problems competently.
Political geography has extended the scope of traditional political science approaches by acknowledging that the exercise of power is not restricted to states and bureaucracies, but is part of everyday life. This has resulted in the concerns of political geography increasingly overlapping with those of other human geography sub-disciplines such as economic geography, and, particularly, with those of social and cultural geography in relation to the study of the politics of place (see, for example, the books by David Harvey and Joe Painter). Although contemporary political geography maintains many of its traditional concerns (see below) the multi-disciplinary expansion into related areas is part of a general process within human geography which involves the blurring of boundaries between formerly discrete areas of study, and through which the discipline as a whole is enriched.
In particular, then, modern political geography often considers:
* How and why states are organized into regional groupings, both formally (e.g. theEuropean Union ) and informally (e.g. theThird World )
* The relationship between states and former colonies, and how these are propagated over time, for example throughneo-colonialism
* The relationship between agovernment and its people
* The relationships between states including international trades and treaties
* The functions, demarcations and policings of boundaries
* Howimagined geographies have political implications
* The influence of political power on geographical space
* The study of election results (electoral geography)Critical Political Geography
(See also:
Critical geopolitics )Critical political geography is mainly concerned with the criticism of traditional political geographies. As with much of the move towards 'Critical geographies', the arguments have drawn largely from
postmodern ,poststructural andpostcolonial theories. Examples include:
*Feminist geography , which argues for a recognition of the power relations aspatriarchal and attempts to theorise alternative conceptions ofidentity andidentity politics . Alongside related concerns such asQueer theory andYouth studies
*Postcolonial theories which recognise theImperialistic , universalising nature of much political geography, especially inDevelopment geography Notable Political Geographers
*
John A. Agnew
*Derek Gregory
*Richard Hartshorne
*Karl Haushofer
* Lucy Jarosz
* Eleanore Kofman
*Yves Lacoste
*Halford Mackinder
* Doreen Massey
*Gearóid Ó Tuathail
* Linda J Peake
*Friedrich Ratzel
*Ellen Churchill Semple
* Peter J Taylor
*Mohammad Reza Hafeznia
*Herman van der Wusten References
to be added - see further reading (below) for initial indications
Further reading
* Agnew J 1997 "Political geography: a reader" London: Arnold ISBN 0470236558
*Buleon P 1992 'The state of political geography in France in the 1970s and 1980s' "Progress in Human Geography" Vol. 16 (1) pp24–40
* Harvey D 1996 "Justice, nature and the geography of difference" Oxford: Blackwell ISBN 1557866805
* Johnston RJ 1979 "Political, electoral and spatial systems" Oxford: Clarendon Press ISBN 0198740727
* Painter J 1995 "Politics, geography and 'political geography': a critical perspective" London: Arnold ISBN 034056735X
* Pepper D 1996 "Modern environmentalism" London: Routledge ISBN 0415057442
* Sack RD 1986 "Human territoriality: its theory and history" Cambridge: Cambridge University Press ISBN 0521266149
* Short JR 1993 "An introduction to political geography: 2nd edn." London: Routledge ISBN 0415082269
* Taylor PJ 1993 "Political geography: world economy, nation state and locality" Harlow: Longman Scientific & Technical ISBN 0470221151See also
*
Geopolitics
*Critical geopolitics
*List of geography topics
*List of countries
*Geography reference tables
Wikimedia Foundation. 2010.