History of Cuban Nationality

History of Cuban Nationality

For most of its history, Cuba has been controlled by foreign powers. The Spanish Colonial period lasted from approximately 1511-1898. The United States governed the nation from 1898-1902, and would intervene in national affairs until the abolishment of the Platt Amendment in 1935. The struggle for not only freedom, but also a national identity, was a complex and prolonged affair that began in earnest during the late 18th century and lasted well into the 20th century.

Colonial Period

A strong nationalist movement in Cuba lagged behind the rest of Latin America in the early part of the 19th century. Maintaining good relations with Spain was essential for the immediate health of the crop-based economy as the island nation was heavily dependent at the time upon European markets. Cuba, as one of the last outposts of slavery, also relied on Spain for protection against any potential slave uprisings.

From 1492 to 1750, Spain ruled Cuba from afar. That is not to say that Cuba was of no interest, or not under direct control, but that there was a visible governing divide. Power over the colony rested heavily with the Governor General, who was appointed by the Crown. [Frank W. Blackmar, “Spanish Colonial Policy,” Publications of the American Economic Association, 3rd series,1:3 (1900): 21.] Many of the laws that were approved by him, then crossed the Atlantic, and were filtered between countless levels of colonial bureaucracy. The administrators often compromised with local elites who were often granted permission to administer justice themselves. [John Lynch, “The Institutional Framework of Colonial Spanish America,” Journal of Latin American Studies Quincentenary Supplement: The Colonial and Post Colonial Experience 500 (1992): 69-74.] In the 1630s, Americans were permitted to hold office and by 1678, judgeships. These positions were quickly filled by wealthy Criollo (people) who often purchased the privilege. [Ibid.] This drove a wedge between the advantaged and the working-class because with less Spanish supervision, corruption increased. In the 1750s, when Spain wanted to reassert control in the Americas, these elite positions were greatly reduced, much to the anger of those who had enjoyed the collateral benefits of authority. [Ibid., 77.]

During the 19th century, Cubans, inspired by vocal nationalists like Jose Marti, increasingly rebelled against their colonizers. Many nationalists saw Spain as incapable of supporting a booming Cuban economy. [Louis A. Perez Jr., On Becoming Cuban: Identity, Nationality, and Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), 25.] Cuba was enjoying the advancements of industrialization with new technologies, like the steam engine, well before their introduction in Spain. [Ibid.] Cuba was entering a new stage of modernity while Spain was becoming more and more obsolete. [Ibid., 86.] Nationalists had a strong drive to participate in a progressive new world and Spain was holding them back. [Ibid., 89.]

Integration of Former Slaves

Between 1780 – 1867, over 780 000 slaves were brought to Cuba. This was more than all the rest of Spanish America combined. [Christopher Schmidt-Nowara, “’La Espana Ultramarina’: Colonialism and Nation-Building in Nineteenth-Century Spain,” European History Quarterly 34:191(2004): 5.] Slavery was leaned upon heavily by the owners of the highly profitable sugar plantations. By 1886, people of colour – the majority being ex-slaves – made up 1/3 of the population of Cuba. [Perez, 90.] The issue of integration was a complex and highly contentious issue. Rights were hard to come by for many former slaves and also for those who lived and worked in rural communities. [Rebecca J. Scott, “Race, Labor, and Citizenship in Cuba: A View from the Sugar District of Cienfuegos, 1886-1909” The Hispanic American Historical Review 78:4 (1998): 688.] Emancipation was a slow process that started in 1868 and continued until 1886. As a preliminary step, the Moret Law of 1870 granted freedom to children and those over the age of sixty but offered little else. [Rebecca J. Scott and Michael Zeuske, “Property in Writing, Property on the Ground: Pigs, Horses, Land, and Citizenship in the Aftermath of Slavery, Cuba, 1880-1909” Society for Comparative Study of Society and History (2002): 675.] As the skirmishes continued and losses compounded during the 10 Years’ War, the anti-colonial forces spoke more openly about the idea of a free Cuban citizen. Even though there was still a strong racial divide, many slaves joined up with the revolutionaries. [Scott, 692.] Although this initial rebellion did not force any significant changes, the participation of slaves did not go unnoticed. By the early 1890s, Spain was willing to offer fairly considerable civil rights and voting rights to many former slaves in a vain attempt to weaken another attempt at rebellion. [Scott and Zeuske, 670.] Prior to the 1890s, suffrage had been granted uniquely to taxpayers (it was further expanded in 1895 and again in 1898 when all links between property and suffrage were severed). [Ibid., 691-6.] This back-fired, however, as it only provoked white elites who intensified their criticism directed at colonial policies. [Scott, 704]

While white Cuban elites and their colonial administrators debated civil rights and public policy, black Cubans had already been showing initiative. The first step toward property rights came when farm owners allowed their slaves to own a pig. A pig could grow, accrue value, be sold for profit or consumed. Many people quickly seized upon the potential of this and began raising as many pigs as possible, even feeding them from their own rations to keep them growing. The pigs would then be sold to either the plantation owner or someone else, and a profit would be made. These profits would sometimes parlay into the ownership of a horse, which implied a certain degree of freedom and mobility. [Scott and Zeukse, 676.] Worker mobility was also important in spreading information (concerning revolution, property rights, etc…) to other interested communities. [Scott, 699.]

After slavery was phased out by 1888, many former slaves had little choice but to stay on the farms on which they had been prisoners for years. The plantation owners adapted to the situation by incorporating wage labour, tenantry and contract farming. [Ibid., 693.] After gaining their freedom, some more fortunate ex-slaves were sold small plots of land where they could build a house and plant crops for their own consumption and for sale at market. [Scott and Zeuske, 680.] According to the Spanish Civil Code, rights of possession were paramount, making a signed and verified agreement very important. In 1890, however, a new civil code (which had been introduced in Spain the year before) came into effect which acknowledged the rights of prescription (squatter’s rights). Granted, these rights were minimally recognized, but still they motivated many landless workers to occupy and cultivate previously unused land. [Ibid., 677-80.]

Struggles for Freedom

* Ten Years' War (1868-1878)
* The Small War (1879-1880)
* Cuban War of Independence ( 1895-1898)

US Occupation

While the end of Spanish rule in Cuba was an incredible turning point in the island’s history, most Cubans did not immediately reap huge benefits. There was no mass departure of the Spanish middle-class. They were allowed to maintain their Spanish citizenship and also hold onto the majority of the elite posts available in business and in the Church. A misguided education system had ill-prepared otherwise able Cubans from filling positions in expanding industries which were primarily driven by US interests. [Hennessy, C.A.M., “The Roots of Cuban Nationalism” International Affairs 39 (1963): 350.] When the occupation officially ended on May 20, 1902, nationalists could, for the first time, look upon an independent Cuba. Although it was a time of celebration, it would prove to be a difficult transition to complete autonomy and self-definition. The island-nation had always had her national identity threatened and had been under repressive foreign control for centuries. With no real pre-Spanish nationalist mythology to speak of, Cubans would have to quickly try and identify themselves in the modern world. [Ibid., 346.] Even with a crisp demarcation of borders and territory, it would not be immediately clear what it meant to be Cuban.

References

ources

* Blackmar, Frank W. 'Spanish Colonial Policy.' "Publications of the American Economic Association, 3rd Series" 1:3 (August, 1900): 112-143.
* Hennessy, C.A.M. 'The Roots of Cuban Nationalism.' "International Affairs" 39 (1963): 345-359.
* Lynch, J. 'The Institutional Framework of Colonial Spanish America.' "Journal of Latin American Studies" 24 (1992): 69-81.
* Perez, Louis A. "On Becoming Cuban: Identity, Nationality, and Culture." Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999.
* Schmidt-Nowara, Christopher. 'Espana Ultramarina: Colonialism and Nation Building in Nineteenth-Century Spain.' "European History Quarterly" 34:191 (2004), http://ehq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/34/2/191.
* Scott, R.J. 'Race, Labor and Citizenship in Cuba: A View from the Sugar District of Cienfuegos 1886-1909.' "The Hispanic American Historical Review" 78 (Nov. 1998): 687-728.
* Scott, R.J. and Zeuske, M. 'Property in Writing, Property on the Ground: Pigs, Horses, Land, and Citizenship in the Aftermath of Slavery, Cuba,1880-1909.' "Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History" (2002): 669-703.


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