Israeli–Palestinian Confederation

After decades of hope, work and struggle, the goal of peace between Israelis and Palestinians seems as remote as ever. People on both sides have blamed the other into a stalemate. What's needed are fresh ideas such as those articulated by the [http://www.aboutipc.org/ Israeli-Palestinian Confederation] since about 2004.

Highlights of the Confederation plan are that it:
* preserves the Israeli government for Israelis and the Palestinian government for Palestinians,
* creates a mutual government dedicated to peace,
* gives veto power to both governments,
* provides a mechanism to resolve conflict, and
* establishes an Israeli and Palestinian future for both peoples.

A radio interview by Sonali Kolhatkar with Josef Avesar from March 13, 2007, can be heard at [http://64.27.9.54/archive/index.php?l=8&p=Uprising_Daily_Edition/2/2007_03_13_avesar.MP3&m=1/ KPFK Archives]

Articles have been published in Southern California papers including the [http://www.jewishjournal.com/home/searchview.php?id=16719./ Jewish Journal] , the [http://www.dailybruin.ucla.edu/news/2006/feb/27/alum-proposes-israeli-palestin/ Daily Bruin] and [http://www.theacorn.com/news/2006/0112/Community/033.html/ The Acorn] .

What legislation could the IPC pass that would be acceptable to the Israeli and Palestinian governments?

1) Joint Education Task Force:

For ensuring that the educational materials of both Palestinians and Israelis are accurate, comprehensive, and geared toward tolerance and understanding. It could pass legislation discouraging the teaching of hate, ethnic violence, and fanaticism on both sides.

2) Common Emergency Task Force:

For emergency situations and procedures that are of interest to both sides, such as:
* Major public health problems and epidemics
* Earthquakes or other natural disasters
* Nuclear attack

3) Common Hardship Reduction Task Force:

For aiding Palestinians and Israelis suffering from major hardships. This could include removing certain travel restrictions for families during health emergencies as well as unreasonable economic, agricultural, or industrial restrictions—without compromising security.

4) Common Foreign Policies:

For its own approach to diplomatic relations with Arab and African nations. For example, it could negotiate flight routes throughout the entire Middle East, Asia, Africa, and Europe, as well as obtain grants and loans from countries within and without the Middle East. The IPC could also deal with countries that are a common threat to both Israelis and Palestinians. It could confer with multinational and international organizations to establish centers in common joint economic zones (see “Joint Economic Zones” below).

5) Joint Passports:

For issuing independent passports that would be applicable to both citizens of Israel and Palestine (pursuant to certain criteria and security checks). These passports would ease travel restrictions and help Israelis travel to Arab countries and Palestinians travel to Israel and Western countries.

6) Joint Economic Zones:

For creating Joint Economic Zones (JEZ) on the borders between Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza (half in Israel and half in Palestine). The zones would be controlled by the IPC police force and would allow easier access to Palestinians and Israelis as well as other citizens from all over the world. The JEZ would be a safe haven in which cultural and economic endeavors could flourish. The zones would include agricultural and industrial commerce as well as civic centers including museums, hospitals, universities, banks, and other institutions. The JEZ would also have airports to connect one JEZ to another and a major international airport serving Europe, Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. The JEZ would foster the cooperation necessary for Palestinians and Israelis to do business with the entire globe.

7) IPC Revenues:

For negotiating for grants and loans from major countries and international companies. It will likely be able to obtain substantial funds to create the Joint Economic Zones. With the zones in place, the IPC will probably be able to tax or license all the major economic activities conducted in the JEZ. It is conceivable that the JEZ will be generating such extensive economic activity that the IPC will be able to share some of the revenues with the separate Palestinian and Israeli governments.

Conclusion:

The current Israeli and Palestinian governments will not be able or willing to veto fair and equitable IPC legislation. The issues I have addressed above are just a sample of the type of legislation that should be acceptable to both the Palestinian and Israeli governments. Once the process begins, more areas of common interest will be discovered, and the benefits to both sides will be obvious.

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