1990s in South Africa

South Africa in the 1990s transitioned from the system of apartheid to one of majority rule. The new government established a constitution before establishing the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in 1995 to expose crimes of the apartheid era under the dictum of Archbishop Desmond Tutu: "Without forgiveness there is no future, but without confession there can be no forgiveness." The commission heard many stories of horrific brutality and injustice from all sides of the struggle, and offered some catharsis to people and communities shattered by their past experiences.

The Commission operated by allowing victims to tell their stories and by allowing perpetrators to confess their guilt; with amnesty on offer to those who made a full confession. Those who chose not to appear before the commission would face criminal prosecution if the authorities could prove their guilt. But while some soldiers, police, and ordinary citizens confessed their crimes, few of those who had given the orders or commanded the police presented themselves. For example, State President P.W. Botha and current President Thabo Mbeki refused to appear before the Commission. It has proven difficult to gather evidence against these alleged higher-level criminals.

Refining democracy

In 1999, South Africa held its second universal-suffrage elections. In 1997, Mandela had handed over leadership of the ANC to his deputy, Thabo Mbeki, and speculation grew that the ANC vote might therefore drop. In fact, it increased, putting the party within one seat of the two-thirds majority that would allow it to alter the constitution.

The NP, restyled as the New National Party (NNP), lost two-thirds of its seats, as well as official opposition status to the Democratic Party (DP). The DP had traditionally functioned as a stronghold of liberal whites, and now gained new support from conservatives disenchanted with the NP, and from some middle-class blacks. Just behind the DP came the KwaZulu-Natal Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), historically the voice of Zulu nationalism. While the IFP lost some support, its leader, Chief Buthelezi, continued to exercise power as the national Home Affairs minister.

Into the future

While the ANC grassroots hold Mbeki in far less affection than the beloved "Madiba" (Mandela), he has proven himself a shrewd politician, maintaining his political pre-eminence by isolating or co-opting opposition parties. Not everything has gone the ANC's way. In the early days of his presidency, Mbeki's effective denial of the HIV crisis invited global criticism, and his conspicuous failure to condemn the forced reclamation of white-owned farms in neighbouring Zimbabwe unnerved both South African landowners and foreign investors.

Homicide is a massive problem. "The Economist" reports the killing of approximately 1,500 white farmers in attacks since 1991. In 1995 and 1998, South Africa led the world in reported murders. The government of South Africa has published statistics showing a steady decrease in the murder rate since 1994.

According to "The Economist", an estimated 250,000 white South Africans have emigrated since 1994." [http://www.economist.com/displayStory.cfm?story_id=3886937 If only the adults would behave like the children] ", "The Economist", April 21, 2005 (accessed June 15, 2005).]

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