Allegations of Bahá'í involvement with other powers

Opponents of the Bahá'í Faith have made accusations that the religion has been involved with other powers. During its early years, the Bahá'í Faith and its predecessor, the Bábí religion, experienced growth in Persia. This growth caught the attention of the government and the ecclesiastical leaders in the country,Harvnb|Momen|1981|p=70] who began searching for ways to stop the growth of the religion, which they saw as a threat to their power and authority.Harvnb|Momen|1981|pp=71-82] The resistance stems from a variety of Bahá'í teachings which challenge traditional Islamic belief, including principles that call into question the need for a priesthood, and the entire Shí‘i ecclesiastical structure.cite journal | first = Friedrich W. | last = Affolter | title = The Specter of Ideological Genocide: The Bahá'ís of Iran | journal = War Crimes, Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity | volume = 1 | issue = 1 | pages = 59– 89 | year = 2005| url = http://www.aa.psu.edu/journals/war-crimes/articles/V1/v1n1a3.pdf] In addition to government and clergy-led persecution of the Bahá'ís, Iranian government officials have claimed that Bahá'ís have had ties to foreign powers, and were agents of Russian imperialism, British colonialism, American expansionism, Zionism, as well as being responsible for the policies of the previous Shah of Iran.Harvnb|Ghanea|2003|p=294] These statements toward the Bahá'ís are based on misconceptions,Harvnb|Cooper|1993|p=200] and have had no basis in historical fact.Harvnb|Simpson|Shubart|1995|p=223] Harvnb|Tavakoli-Targhi|2008|p=200] Bahá'u'lláh, the founder of the Bahá'í Faith, taught that Bahá'ís are to be loyal to one's government, not be involved in politics, and to obey the laws of the country they reside in.cite encyclopedia |last= Smith |first= Peter |encyclopedia= A concise encyclopedia of the Bahá'í Faith |title= government, Bahá'í attitude towards |year= 2000 |publisher=Oneworld Publications |location= Oxford |id= ISBN 1-85168-184-1 |pages= p. 167]

Historical context

The Bahá'í Faith grew out of Bábism, which was established in 1844 by the Báb in Iran.cite encyclopedia |year=1988 |title=The Bahá'í Faith | encyclopedia = Britannica Book of the Year |publisher=Encyclopaedia Britannica |location=Chicago |id=ISBN 0852294867] 89% of Iranians adhere to the Twelver school of the sect of Shi'a Islam, which holds as a core doctrine the expected advent of a messianic figure known as the Qa'im or as the Imam Mahdi.Harvnb|Amanat|1989] The Báb claimed he was the Imam Mahdi and thus he had equal status to the Islamic prophet Muhammad with the power, which he exercised, to abrogate the final provisions of Islamic law.cite journal |title=The Resurgence of Apocalyptic in Modern Islam | first= Abbas |last=Amanat |editor= Stephen J. Stein, ed. | journal = The Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism | volume = vol. III |location = New York |publisher= Continuum |year=2000 |pages=pp. 230–254 |url=http://bahai-library.org/excerpts/apocalyptic.amanat.html]

Bahá'u'lláh, a Bábí who claimed to be the one foretold by the Báb, claimed a similar station for himself in 1863 as a Manifestation of God and as the promised figure foretold in the sacred scriptures of the major religious traditions of the past and founded what later came to be known as the Bahá'í Faith.cite encyclopedia|last=Hutter |first=Manfred |editor=Ed. Lindsay Jones | encyclopedia = Encyclopedia of Religion |title=Baha'is | edition = 2nd ed. |year=2005 |publisher=Macmillan Reference USA | volume = 2 |location=Detroit |id=ISBN 0028657330 |pages=p737-740]

Accusations and reasons

The principles in Bahá'u'lláh's writings dealt with themes that challenged Shí‘i Islamic doctrines, including the finality of the prophet-hood of Muhammad, the need for a priesthood, and also the entire Shí‘i ecclesiastical structure.Harvnb|Sanasarian|2008|pp=163] The claims of the Báb and Bahá'u'lláh were originally treated by the Islamic clergy with hostility as it was a threat to their doctrinal legitimacy and social prestige.Harvnb|Amanat|2008|pp=173] In 1852, two years after the execution of the Báb, Bahá'u'lláh learnt of an assassination plan against the Shah, Nasser-al-Din Shah, by a couple of radical Bábí leaders, in retaliation for the Báb's execution. While Bahá'u'lláh condemned the plan strongly, and renounced the movement's early anti-Qajar stance, on August 15, 1852 the radical Bábís attempted the assassination of the Shah and failed.cite encyclopedia |encyclopedia= Encyclopædia Iranica |year= 1989 |article=Baha'-allah | first = Juan | last = Cole] [cite book |author = Bahá'u'lláh |origyear = 1892 |year = 1988 |title = Epistle to the Son of the Wolf |edition = Paperback |publisher = Bahá'í Publishing Trust |location = Wilmette, Illinois, USA |id = ISBN 0877431825 |url = http://reference.bahai.org/en/t/b/ESW/esw-1.html.iso8859-1#pg20 | pages = p. 20] Notwithstanding the assassins' claim that they were working alone, and that Bahá'u'lláh had not participated in the assassination attempt, the entire Bábí community was blamed, and a slaughter of several thousand Bábís followed.Harvnb|Balyuzi|2000|p=72] From that time Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar always remained suspicious of the Bábís and Baha'is and viewed them as agitators similar to the European anarchists.Harvnb|Amanat|2008|pp=177-178]

While accusations against the Bahá'ís in the early history of the religion were based on religious doctrine, non-religious accusations started to increase and dominated in the 20th century due to the propensity of Iranian society to "believe and endorse conspiracy theories".Harvnb|Momen|2004] Harvnb|Sanasarian|2008|pp=159] Since Bahá'ís did not belong to any specific ethnic group, could not be identified with any geographical location, and spoke the same language, they became "the enemy within", and figure prominently in Iranian conspiracy theories.Harvnb|Chehabi|2008|pp=186-188]

By the end of the 19th century, there was a growing dissension with the Qajar state, and thus charges of subversion and conspiracy against the Bábís and Bahá'ís increased, drawing public attention away from the government and instead toward the evils of the 'devious sect'. In the early 20th century, the Bahá'ís were seen as being non-conformant in a society looking for unanimity and fearful in losing is perceived unique Shi'a culture due to threats from outside its boundaries.Harvnb|Amanat|2008|pp=180-181] During the 1940s the clerical and governmental groups started stating that the religion was entirely manufactured by colonialists and imperialists to destory the "unity of the Muslim nation" and that those who did not share the beliefs of the Muslim nation were agents of foreign powers.Harvnb|Amanat|2008|pp=171-172] These new charges helped define a new 'other' and reaffirmed a threatened Shi'i self. This new attitude towards the Bahá'ís was now not confined to the clerics, but was also rampant among the secular Iranian middle-class. In the 1970s accusations of Bahá'ís being numerous in the Shah's regime surfaced, as well as there being a perception that Bahá'ís were generally better off than the rest of the population.Harvnb|Chehabi|2008|pp=190-194] Chehabi suggests that the accusations and prejudices of secular Iranians against the Bahá'ís arise from the anti-cosmopolitan outlook of Iranian nationalism; while the Bahá'í Faith affirms the unity of humanity, Iranian nationalism has contained strong xenophobic elements. He notes that while Iran's sovereignty was recognized in the 19th century, Britain and Russia meddled in the country's affairs to further their own interests, and that groups that have trans-national ties like the Jews and the Bahá'ís are therefore seen as suspicious by Iranian nationalists. He also notes that while the teachings of the Bahá'í Faith mitigate against a prefential attachment of Bahá'ís to Iran, Iran is seen by Bahá'ís as the "Crade of the Cause" to which it commands a degree of affection by Bahá'ís worldwide.

Since the founding of Israel, there are also accusations of Bahá'ís being associated with Zionism, since the Bahá'í World Centre is located in current-day Israel, which is a historic accident. The Bahá'í World Centre has its historical origins in the area that was once Ottoman Syria. This dates back to the 1850s and 1860s when the Shah of Iran and the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, ‘Abdu’l-‘Aziz, successively exiled Bahá'u'lláh from Iran to the fortress of Acre for lifetime incarceration.cite journal |first=Christopher |last=Buck |title=Islam and Minorities: The Case of the Bahá'ís | journal = Studies in Contemporary Islam | volume = 5 | issue = 1 |pages=83–106 | year =2003]

ince the Iranian revolution

After the overthrow of the Shah during the Iranian revolution, the Islamic regime targeted the Bahá'ís in Iran, since they held a deep hostility toward them as they saw them as infidels.Harvnb|Sanasarian|2000|p=114] As nationalism grew in Iran, Bahá'ís were viewed as unpatriotic and linked to foreign elements.Harvnb|Sanasarian|2000|p=115] During this time the Bahá'ís were accused of being anti-Islamic, agents of Zionism, friends of the Shah's regime, and being engaged with the US and British governments. The National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá'ís of Iran, both privately and publicly, addressed the charges against them point by point, but received no response to their rebuttal. In January 1980 with the election of President Bani Sadr and the continuing anti-Bahá'í sentiment, the Bahá'í Faith was officially described by the government as a political movement against the Iranian revolution and Islam.Harvnb|Sanasarian|2000|p=116] Before the revolution, Bani Sadr had connected the universal message of the Bahá'í Faith with Western colonialism. In February 1980, the Iranian ambassador to the United Nations stated that Bahá'ís were SAVAK agents and repeated the cleric's charges; only later when he broke with the regime in 1982 did he recant his previous statements.

By 1981, however, revolutionary courts no longer couched the execution of Bahá'ís with political terms, and they instead cited only religious reasons.Harvnb|Ghanea|2003|p=103] Also documents were given out to Bahá'ís that if they would publicly embrace Islam, their jobs, pensions and property would be reinstated. These documents were shown to the United Nations as evidence that the Iranian government was using the political accusations as a front to the real religious reason for the persecution of the Bahá'ís.

In 1983, Iran's prosecutor general once again stated that the Bahá'ís were not being persecuted because of their religious belief, but that instead they were spies, and that they were funnelling money outside the country.Harvnb|Sanasarian|2000|p=119] The National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá'ís of Iran, once again, addressed the issues raised by the prosecuted point by point; [http://info.bahai.org/article-1-8-3-19.html the letter] was sent to various government agencies. The letter acknowledged that funds were being sent abroad as Bahá'í contributions to the shrines and holy places, but denied all other points, and asked for proof of the charges. No response was obtained from the government to this letter. The clerics continued to persecute the Bahá'ís and charged the Bahá'ís with "crimes against God" and Zionism. Then in 1983 to a report to the Human Rights Commission of the United Nations the official view of the Islamic Republic was published in a twenty-page document; the document stated that British encouraged the Bahá'í Faith in Iran, and that it was not a religion, but a political entity created by colonial powers, that there was a link between the Bahá'í Faith and Zionism and SAVAK. The United Nations Human Rights Commission Sub-Commission Expert Mr. Eide stated that the publication provided by the Iranian government "recalled the publications disseminated in Europe in the 1920s and 1930s, which had contributed to severe prejudice costing the lives of hundreds of thousands of peoples. The Sub-Commission should be on guard against any recurrence of such campaigns".Harvnb|Ghanea|2003|p=114] The Iranian government's statement was not accepted by the United Nations as the United Nations had received no evidence from the Iranian government regarding its claims.Harvnb|Sanasarian|2000|p=121] Harvnb|Ghanea|2003|pp=109-111] The representative from Germany stated that "the documents concerning the Bahá'ís showed that the latter were persecuted, not for criminal offences, but simply for their religious beliefs".Harvnb|Ghanea|2003|p=112] The Iranian delegate dismissed the text of the Commission's resolution, and persecution of the Bahá'ís continued.Harvnb|Ghanea|2003|p=113]

In 1991, the Iranian government again gave a statement to the United Nations stating that since the administrative centre of the Bahá'í Faith is located in Israel, it is directly controlled by Zionist forces,Harvnb|Ghanea|2003|p=132] even though Bahá'í World Centre has its historical origins in the area that was once Ottoman Syria.

More recently, during Muhammad Khatami's presidency, the name-calling and accusations have not ended, and even more recently with the election of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the frequency and intensity of the name-calling and accusations has increased.Harvnb|Sanasarian|2008|p=157]

Russian and British ties

The Russian and British governments had a formidable presence in the 19th-century Persia and competed for political, economic and territorial influence.Harvnb|Amanat|1989|pp=23-28] The support of the United Kingdom during the Constitutional Revolution, the Anglo-Russian convention which Russia and the UK divided Persia into spheres of influence, the occupation of Iranian territory during the First World War by the UK, Russia and the Ottoman Empire, as well as the coup d'etat of 1921 which was backed by the British, all encouraged the development of conspiracy theories related to foreign powers.cite web | first = Ahmad | last = Ashraf | url = http://www.iranian.com/May96/Opinion/Conspiracy.html | title = Conspiracy theories and the Persian Mind | accessdate = 2008-07-13 | year = 1997 | publisher = Iranian.com] Opponents of the Bahá'í Faith, particularly Muslim clerics, used this atmosphere to allege that the Bábí and Bahá'í religions were also products of Russian and British governments who were striving to weaken Islam and create divisions in the Iranian nation.

Russian ties

The foundation of many of the conspiracy theories relating the Bahá'í Faith to Russian influence is a fictitious memoir that is attributed to Dimitri Ivanovich Dolgorukov (also known as Dolgoruki), who was the Russian ambassador to Persia from 1846 to 1854. The memoir states that Dolgorukov created the Bábí and Bahá'í religions so as to weaken Iran and Shi'a Islam. The document, in many ways, is the functional equivalent of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, which was a fraudulent antisemitic tract alleging a Jewish plot to achieve world domination. The fictional memoir was first published in 1943 in Persian in Mashhad, and shortly thereafter published again in Tehran with some of the most glaring historical errors corrected. The book still, however, contains many historical errors and it is inconceivable that is is real.

The memoir states that Dolgorukov used to attend gatherings of Hakím Ahmad Gílání, where he would meet Bahá'u'lláh. However, Gílání had died died in 1835, which was three years before Dolgorukov's arrival in the country. There are numerous other errors relating to the dates and times of events that the memoir describes; the memoir describes events after the death of personages, or when the people involved were young children, or when they were in different parts of the world.

Dolgorukov actually only became aware of the Bábí movement three years after in started in 1847, and his dispatches show that he was afraid of the movement spreading into the Caucasus, and asked that the Báb being moved away from the Russian border. [Harvnb|Balyuzi|1973|p=131] In 1852, after the assassination plan against the Shah failed and the entire Bábí community was blamed, many Bábís including Bahá'u'lláh who had no role in the attempt and later severely condemned it, were arrested in a sweep.Harvnb|Balyuzi|2000|pp=77-78] When Bahá'u'lláh was jailed by the Shah, his family went to Mírzá Majid Ahi who was married to a sister of Bahá'u'lláh,Harvnb|Balyuzi|2000|pp=99-100] and was working as the secretary to the Russian Legation in Tehran. Bahá'u'lláh's family asked Mírzá Majid to go to Dolgorukov and ask him to intercede on behalf of Bahá'u'lláh, and Dolgorukov agreed.

After Dolgorukov, as well as the Grand Vizier of Persia, both pressured the Shah to either produce evidence against Bahá'u'lláh or release him, Nasirid-Din Shah agreed to free Bahá'u'lláh, but decreed that he be banished from Iran. Dolgorukov offered Bahá'u'lláh and his family the opportunity to migrate to Russia but Bahá'u'lláh refused. Instead, he chose to go to Iraq where there was a significant Shi'a Muslim population.Harvnb|Balyuzi|2000|pp=102]

The memoirs, however, extend this assistance to all facets of Bahá'u'lláh's life. In one edition of the faked memories, Dolgorukov is said to have provided money for Bahá'u'lláh to build a house in Acre, but Dolgorukov died in 1867, before Bahá'u'lláh arrived in Acre. Thus newer editions of the memoir state that Dolgorukov sent money for a house to be built in Edirne. As Dolgorukov left the Russian diplomatic service in 1854 and died in 1867, he was unable to interact with Bahá'u'lláh in ways which the memoir states.

British ties

There have also been claims that the Bábí movement was started by the British, and that the Bahá'í Faith has ties to British imperialism; the connection to the British, however, has also been supported by false evidence. Firaydun Adamiyyat, in a biography on Nasser-al-Din Shah's first Prime Minster Amir Kabir, stated that Mulla Husayn, the Báb's first disciple, was really a British agent that was recruited by Arthur Conolly, a British intelligence officer, explorer and writer. Adamiyyat states that the evidence of such an accusation appears in Conolly's book "Journey to the North of India Overland from England through Russia, Persia, and Affghaunistaun", but no mention of Mulla Husayn or the Báb appears in the book. In later editions of Adamiyyat's biography on Amir Kabir, the fabrication has been removed.

The accusations of ties to the British also come of the knighting in 1920 of `Abdu'l-Bahá, then head of the religion, by the British Mandate of Palestine — an act that antagonists claim to be a lurid manifestation of political relations between the Bahá'í Faith and Great Britain. [Fa iconcite web | url = http://adibflash.googlepages.com/Ayam_Javabiye_Velvelehdarshahr_4.pdf | title = Clamour in the City, Part 4, Version 1.2 | pages = pp. 180-182] `Abdu'l-Bahá was, however, awarded for his humanitarian efforts during World War I.cite encyclopedia |encyclopedia= Encyclopædia Iranica |year= 1989 |article= [http://www.iranica.com/newsite/articles/v1f1/v1f1a064.html ‘Abd-al-Bahā’] | first = Alessandro and Dennis MacEoin | last = Bausani] During the period, Palestine was hit by a famine which was caused by the Ottoman government's mismanagement as well as a major attack by locusts. In response,`Abdu'l-Bahá had encouraged his followers in the region to cultivate, store, and distribute grain to the famine-stricken people after the war.Harvnb|Balyuzi|2001|p=418]

Bahá'ís as agents of international zionism

Bahá'ís have also been accused of ties to Zionism, an international political movement that was formed to support the re-establishment of a homeland for the Jewish people in Palestine. A common way in which this claim is advanced is by pointing out that the most sacred shrines and holy places of the Bahá'ís are located in Israel. However, Bahá'u'lláh was banished from Persia by Nasser-al-Din Shah, at which time Bahá'u'lláh went to Baghdad in the Ottoman Empire.Harvnb|Balyuzi|2001|p=99] Later he was later exiled by the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, at the behest of the Persian Shah, to territories further away from Iran and finally to Acre in Syria, [Harvnb|Taherzadeh|1777|pp=56-58] which only a century later was incorporated into the state of Israel. Bahá'u'lláh died in 1892 near Acre, and the resting place is in Bahji. Following his death, Bahá'u'lláh's son `Abdu'l-Bahá took over the leadership of the religion until his passing in 1921, and he is buried in Haifa, which was then in Palestine.Harvnb|Balyuzi|2001|p=452] Another other important figure for Bahá'ís who is buried in current-day Israel is the Báb, whose remains were secretly transferred to Palestine and buried in Haifa in 1909.Harvnb|Balyuzi|2001|pp=452-483] Israel was not formed until 1948, almost 60 years after Bahá'u'lláh's death, 40 years after the Báb's remains were brought to the region, and 27 years after `Abdu'l-Bahá's death.

Bahá'ís have also been accused of supporting the state of Israel because they send contributions to their international headquarters located in Haifa. [Fa iconcite web | url = http://adibflash.googlepages.com/Ayam_Javabiye_Velvelehdarshahr_4.pdf | title = Clamour in the City, Part 4, Version 1.2 | pages = pp. 163] These contributions are sent for the maintenance and upkeep of the Bahá'í shrines and historical sites and for attending to the administrative affairs of their global community. The National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá'ís of Iran in a 1983 letter to the Iranian government stated that while Muslims were praised for sending money out of the country to Iraq and Jerusalem for the upkeep of their religious shrines, when Bahá'ís sent money for the upkeep of their own shrines it was considered an unforgivable sin.Harvnb|Iran Human Rights Documentation Center|2007|p=34]

Bahá'ís as agents of the Shah's regime and its secret police

Another often-repeated accusation against the Bahá'ís is that they were treated favourably by, and held many prominent positions in, the government of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, and collaborated with its secret police, SAVAK.Harvnb|Chehabi|2008|pp=186-191] Even before the Iranian revolution, the Bahá'ís, as the "other" in Iranian society, were held responsible by the rest of the populace for the abusive suppression by SAVAK and the Shah's unpopular policies. [Harvnb|Tavakoli-Targhi|2008|pp=224] After the revolution, the assertion partly stems from the fact that Bahá'ís refused to join forces with anti-government revolutionaries, which was due to Bahá'u'lláh's injunction to his followers that they should be obedient to the government of the land. [Fa iconcite web | url = http://adibflash.googlepages.com/Ayam_Javabiye_Velvelehdarshahr_4.pdf | title = Clamour in the City, Part 4, Version 1.2 | pages = pp. 111]

The Bahá'í International Community has, however, stated that the Bahá'í community in Iran was the victim of the Shah's regime, and that SAVAK was one of the main ways of persecuting the Bahá'ís. For example Reza Shah’s government ordered the closure of Bahá'í schools, such as Tehran’s Tarbiyat school for boys and girls, in 1934.Marja Taqlid, a Grand Ayatollah with the authority to make legal decisions within the confines of Islamic law, pushed the Shah's government to support the persecution of the Bahá'í community.Harvnb|Mottahedeh|1985|p=231] Harvnb|Sanasarian|2000|pp=52-53] The 1955 attacks were particularly destructive and widespread due to an orchestrated campaign by the government and clergy who utilized the national Iranian radio station and its official newspapers to spread hatred which led to widespread mob violence against Bahá'ís.Harvnb|Iran Human Rights Documentation Center|2007|p=9] The Shah's military also occupied the Bahá'í centre in Tehran, which was destroyed in the violence. Mottahedeh states that under the Pahlavi dynasty, the Bahá'ís were actually more a "political pawn" than a collaborator, and that Reza Shah's government toleration of Bahá'ís in the early 20th-century was more a sign of secular rule and an attempt to weaken clerical influence than a signal of favour for the Bahá’ís.

There is also evidence that SAVAK collaborated with Islamic groups throughout the 1960s and 1970s in harassing Bahá'ís.Harvnb|Sanasarian|2000|pp=52-53] SAVAK also had links to Hojjatieh, a radical anti-Bahá'í group. Rahnema and Nomani state that the Shah gave Hojjatieh free rein for their activities toward the Bahá'ís. Keddie states that the accusations of Bahá'ís being part of SAVAK were mainly false pretexts for persecution. [Harvnb|Keddie|1995|p=151]

With regards to the accusation that Bahá'ís held many prominent positions in the government of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, there is no empirical study that endeavours to determine the truth of such an accusation. There were a number of individuals who were part of the government and who had Bahá'í backgrounds, but were not Bahá'ís themselves. One problem that arises is the definition of a Bahá'í: a Bahá'í is a member of a voluntary association that admits people only when they meet certain religious qualifications, and one can choose to become, remain or cease to be a Bahá'í. However, Muslims who do not recognize the possibility of apostasy (leaving one's religion) may not understand that individuals are free to reject their previous, in this case Bahá'í, beliefs . Bahá'ís have used the term Bahá'ízada to refer to people of Bahá'í background who are not Bahá'ís themselves or part of the Bahá'í community; there is no Muslim equivalent of the term. Of the Bahá'ís who held positions near the Shah, the best known is the Shah's personal physician, Abd al-Karim Ayadi. While Asadullah Sanii, another Bahá'í, was appointed Minister of Defence, the Bahá'í community of Iran revoked his administrative rights — as he had accepted a political position and Bahá'ís are prohibited from involvement in partisan politics — the public, however, still continued to associate him with his previous religion. Parviz Sabeti, a SAVAK official, was raised in a Bahá'í family, but had left the religion and was not a member of the community by the time he started working with the agency. Other people who were associated with the Bahá'í Faith either had Bahá'í backgrounds or were not connected with the religion at all. For example, it was often rumoured that the Prime Minister Amir-Abbas Hoveida was a Bahá'í. While Hoveida's father had been a Bahá'í, he had left the religion and Hoveida himself was not religious. Other people rumoured to be Bahá'ís included Mahnaz Afkhami, who was the Minister for Women's Affairs and the daughter of a Bahá'í mother, and Farrokhroo Parsa, a cabinet member who was not connected to the religion at all. Chehabi notes that the allegations that half of the Shah's cabinet were Bahá'ís are fanciful and, given the persecution the Bahá'ís have suffered, irresponsible exaggerations.

Bahá'í ties to freemasonry

Iranian conspiracy theorists have also accused the Bahá'í Faith of having ties to Freemasonry. Freemasonry had been introduced to Iran by Iranians who first encountered it in India and Europe. Contrary to anti-Bahá'í claims, the earliest lodges, such as Malkom Khan's "faramush-khanih" (founded in 1858), were not officially tied to European lodges. [Harvnb|Keddie|2004|pp=431-32] [Harvnb|Keddie|2004|p=5] The nature of Freemasonry as a secretive organization and its origin in Europe made it a target of conspiracy theories in Iran in helping introducing Western ideas and subverting Islam in Iran. Thus it was linked with the Bahá'í Faith and Judaism into a grand conspiracy to undermine Iran and Islam.

In a book publishing documents relating to Freemasonry in Iran, the only substantive document that relates to the Bahá'í Faith is the record of a discussion between a number of prominent masons, including the Grand Master of the Great Lodge (Luj-i Buzurg), Dr. Ahmad `Aliyabadi. In that document, Dr. `Aliyabadi states that "no Bahá'ís have become masons and this is repeated by others present with no-one disagreeing."

Iranian conspiracy theorists have also asserted that Dr. Dhabih Qurban was a well-known Bahá'í and Freemason. The proponents of the claim refer to Fadil Mazadarani's Zuhur al-Haqq, vol. 8, part 1 pp. 585-89. However, the indicated pages fail to mention Dr. Qurban's name or anything pertinent to the subject.

Notes

External links

* [http://info.bahai.org/article-1-8-3-19.html Letter from the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá'ís of Iran about the Banning of the Bahá'í Administration] , 3 September 1983
* [http://question.bahai.org/003_3.php Letter from the Iranian Bahá’í community to Iranian President Mohammad Khatami] , November 2004

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*citation | chapter = The Comparative Dimension of the Baha'i Case and Prospects for Change in the Future | title = The Baha'is of Iran: Socio-historical studies | last = Sanasarian | first = Eliz | editor-last = Brookshaw | editor=first = Dominic P. |editor2-last = Fazel | editor2-first = Seena B. | year = 2008 | publisher = Routledge | location = New York, NY | id = ISBN 0-203-00280-6
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