Madi

The Mà'dí people are found in the Torit district in Sudan, and the districts of Adjumani and Moyo in Uganda.The Ma’di in Sudan are found in Magwi Area Council. From south to north, the area runs from the Ugandan border to Nyolo River where the Ma’di mingle with Acholi, Bari and Lolubo. From the east to west, it runs from Parajok/Magwi to Uganda across the River Nile (a map for this is essential for the demarcation of the area). The border at Bori chieftainship was challenged by some Acholis. They claim it stops at Kit River while it is known chief Sabasio Okumu used to collect taxes (musoro) up to Nyolo River. Some even claimed that Opari belongs to them, let alone Winyalwon’ga and Owinykibul (the words are Acholi, but the people are under the administration of Bori chieftainship).

Language

The name of the language and the people

The speakers refer to themselves and are known "Madi". In standard orthography this is Ma'di;the aprostrophe indicates that d is implosive. The speakers refer to their language as "madi ti", literally meaning "Ma'di mouth". Among themselves, Ma'di refer to each other asbelonging this and or that "suru" "clan" or "tribe", which may further be broken down to "pa", 'the descendants of' which in some cases overlap with suru. While a Madi can only marry from outside clan, this is normally with the group who speak Madi as the common language.

"Madi" has also been used to describe other peoples and other languages in the area. For example the Acholi people in Northern Uganda oftimes refer to anyone from the West Nile as Madi,including the Kakwa; the only group in the region who are never called Madi are Alur. The Alur however refer to their northern neighbour at Rhino Camp, "Madi-Dyel". Nonetheless, despite the name similarity, the group in the Arua District of the Logbara people rather than Moyo or Adjumani Districts speak language which more closely resembles Logbara than Madi.

The truth is, the Ma'di, is a Central Sudanic language, closely related to the language spoken by the Moru, Lugbara, Lulubo, Keliku, Logo, and Avukaya, with whom they also share many cultural similarities – which might point to their common origin. There are three main dialects of the language. These are Northern ('Burulo), central (Lokayi) and Southern (Moyo, Metu etc).

In Uganda, beside the Matu dialect, the Madi people inhabiting the mountain ranges of Otce, have their blend of Madi language, just like the Madi of Odrupele and the Oyuwi and the Lowi or Bara'ba of East Madi.

Of the three southern and central are related in syntax, grammar and vocabulary, but the northern dialect is completely different, especially in its syntax.

Language Features

Ma'di is a tonal language, which means that meaning of words depend on the pitch. there are three tone levels (high, mid and low). The language has a number of implosives {ɓ ('b), ɗ ('d, ʄ ('j) ɠɓ('gb)}. The symbols in the brackets refer to orthographic notation of the IPA sounds. There are ten vowels in the language, divided into +ATR (a, e, i, o, u) and -ATR {a, ɛ, ɪ, ɔ,ʊ}. There are a number of secondarily (kw) and doubly articulated sounds (gb, kp) in addition to the singularly articulated sounds (f, v). The language also has glottal stops {̪) which can be found word medially and initially.

Brief History

Pre-colonial History

According one oral history account, the name "Madi" originated from a man who had been on the run from Ethiopia and the Sudan during those dark ages of evolution, when different clusters of communities were moving from place to place in search of food, wealth and domination of other weak communities in order to increase their political might in case of external aggression. When this man ran and wandered until he could no longer bear, he later decided to station himself in a place now known as madi district. The meaning of the name is "Here I am come what may."

Before the European exploration era, the Equatoria region was not known as such. But the inhabitants there were the same that are now: the Alur in the South, the Lugbari inthe middle and the Madi in the North of the West Nile region of Equatoria. The territory on the either side West and East Nile had a very strange history, passing from one hand to another without the knowledge of the owners of the land. In the Pre-colonial era the area had no proper boundaries. Each ethnic group had its own land, from the time of their settlement after their immigration period.

In their attempts to extent their influenece, the Madi fought bitter tribal wars with Kuku, Acholi and the Kakwa. Fighting or disputes so arose because these three tribes wanted to grab land of the Madi because there were deposits of iron ores found in the tribe. They also had vested interest in rustling cattle. Human beings were taken as captives to go and serve as housewives, domestic servants and provide labor force in the fields of aggressors. This angered the Madi and they then took to fighting. As a result of these disputes, the Madi lost some land and human beings to the external forces.

This is evidenced by finding some Madi people in Acholi land called the Madi Opei; Madi Lukai in Eastern Equatoria in the Sudan, Palukere in Atiak (Acholi land), in Sudan one will get Moipi, Parego and Pamoju in Kajokeji district. These people were taken as slaves. As for the Kakwas, the Madis overpowered them and captured some people as prisoners of war. The captives were then settled at a place called Leli cave in Itula sub-county.

The Madi people during Turkish Sudan

The people of the southern Sudan had almost no contacts with the northern Sudan, until the beginning of Egyptian rule(also known as Turkish Sudan or Turkiyah) in the north in the early 1820s and the subsequent expansion of the slave trade into the south.

According to an oral history, the Nilotic peoples — the Dinka, Nuer, Shilluk, and others — had already established themselves in south Sudan by the time Turks invaded the region. In nineteen century, the Shilluk people had established a centralized monarchy which allowed them to conserve their tribal heritage in the face of external pressures in the years which followed the Turkish rule.

By the time the Nilotic peoples had established their dominium in the nothern part of the southern Sudan (notably the Bahar El Ghazal region), the non-Nilotic Azande, Moru-Madi, etc, had established themselves in Equatoria region. The Azande people occuppied the largest part of the region.

Geographical barriers sheltered the people of southern Sudan, and made it difficult for the Turks to invade the region. Moreover the people of the southern Sudan were hostile to any foreign adventure in their land. But the military might of the Turkish army prevailed in the battles to subdue south Sudan. Because of their proximity to north Sudan, the Nilotic peoples were the first to give in to the Turkyiah.

As the Bahar El Ghazal region fell to the Turkish rule, many Nilotic people moved southward to escape from the new regime. The Turkish army also moved southward to extend its rule. By 1841 the Turkish armies had already entered Equatoria. Their first encounter were with the people of Bari, Kakwa, Pojulu, Mundari and others. When the Turks arrived in Bari, initially they were not met with hostility.

In April 1854, the relatively peaceful relationship between the Bari people and the foreigners came to an abrupt end, when a Turkish trader, without provocation, fired his guns into a crowd of Bari at Gondokoro. In anger the Bari mounted a counter attack, and the result was destructive to both sides. That incident made the Bari people to become more defensive and less friendly towards the traders (mostly Arabs and Turks) who used violent means to obtain ivory tusks, but also started taking people (young men and women) as slaves. Girls were raped, or taken as wives by force. Some of the foreign traders even built fortified warehouses near Gondokoro where people were kept waiting shipment down the White Nile to north Sudan.

In time the Turkish army was able gain complete control in Equatoria, with its trading headquarter now in Gondokoro. Next, the Turkish army then expanded its occupation further south. Consequently the the Madi, Kuku, Latooka, Shuuli people and others whose territories lie south of Gondokoro were to fall prey.

The people Madi people suffered the fate of the Bari, Pajulu, Kakwa and others. Initially Madi resisted the Turkish army, which they called Tutukuru, but given the superior might of the Turkish army, it was not long before the the Madi people were overpowered. By 1860, the Turkish army has established a center in the Madi town called Falaro. According to the British explorer, John Speke, who visited the region in 1962, a black man named Mohamed was the head of the Turkish army in Falaro. As the Turkish regime consolidated its power in the Madi territories, many Madi people gave in to the regime, but some moved further into the forests. Some of the Madi people who gave in were later to become the Madi converts to Islam.

The Madi people and the Greater Equatoria

As early as 1960, when the first whiteman (John Henning Speke) who "discovered" lake Victoria and "the Source of the Nile" arrived at the Madi country (part of Lado region), after traveling from Zanzibar to Abyssinia ... to Karague to Uganda... to Unyoro (where he met with King Kamurasi), Mr Speke confessed that that the Madi country had the most advanced civilization compared to the other countries: Unyoro, Gani, Bari, etc. The Bari people, during those years, according to Mr. Speke, were barbarians.

Mr. Speke dedicated two long chapters to describe his stay in the Madi country. For example he was very amazed by the hospitality and diplomacy of Mr. Mohamed (a black man who was vakil, i.e. assistant Governor), who in the absence of Governor Petherick (who was in Khartoum with his wife), handled his guests with the highest level of courtesy and professionalism. Mr. Speke was later to advise Sir. Samuel Baker that Mr. Mohamed was a person to turn for help, as Sir Baker was to travel from Gondokoro to Unyoro. Sir Baker's experience in the Madi gave him the most positive impression of the Madi country and people.

When in 1862, Sir Samuel Baker traveled the whole way from Khartoum to Unyoro Kingdom (the present-day northwest Uganda), he spent several days in the Madi country - where he met with the Chief of Obbo, chief Katchiba (the rainmaker). In those years, according to the white men, when the Bari people (of Gondokoro) were still wild and primative, the Madi people had already civilization (or manner of decency and culture of diplomacy) comparable to those in old Europe.

According to Mr Speke, the Madi country which extended from its southern border with Unyoro (part of present-day northern Uganda) up to Obbo (to northeast) and to Gondokoro (part of Juba city) to the north, existed as a geo-political entity as early as 1860 AD. This fact is also well documented in the works for Sir Samuel White Baker and other expediters of Equatorial Africa.

Now from the records of the expeditions of Mr. Speke and Sir Baker, countries which bordered the Madi country were the Latooka country (which was in the northeast of Obbo, and the Moir country (which was in southwest of the Madi country). According Mr Speke, the Madi country extended from Unyoro to Gondokoro.

Madi People - during the Second Sudanese Civil War (1983–2005)

Until 1986, to the Madi people the Second Sudanese Civil War, was a foreign story. It did not affect their daily life. Many of them only heard about the war from the radio or from hearsay. However as the SPLA insurgents started moving southward, at one stage they reached the territories inhabited by the Madi people. One of their first encounters with the Madi people was in Owingibul.

In 1985, insurgent group claiming to be SPLA, robbed and plundered the villages in Owingibul. Some people who witness the incident in Owingibul run to Nimule, to ask the government for help. To their disappointment they did not get the help they needed. The failure of the government to help them, forced the Madi people in Owingibul and others elsewhere, to consider taking the issue of their security into their hands. The incident in Owingibul also caused the Madi people to form the most negative opinion on SPLA.

Further encounters of the Madi people with SPLA soldiers in 1985, only served to harden the position of the Madi people against SPLA. Example, the looting of the property late chief Sabasio Okumu in Loa, the the killing of a Madi man called Kayo Mojadia in Loa, the looting of the villages in Moli, made the Madi people to look at SPLA as a enemy and not as a liberation army. And since most of the SPLA soldiers who first came to Madiland were from the Acholi tribe, the Madi people started to look at the Acholi people as aggressors. Such a perception coupled with provocations on the Madi people by some elements in the Acholi tribe, was to breed an enmity between the two tribes, which led to conflicts resulting into dire consequences – for both sides.

The defining movement for the Madi people to take side in the conflict came early in 1986, when some insurgent group in SPLA uniform, killed in cold-blood, Mr. Joesph Kebulu, a very respected Madi politician. Mr. Kebulu was on his election trail, when the bus he was traveling with was stopped at Juba-Nimule road. The gun-men dragged him out of the bus and shot him.

Angered by what was happening to their people, and the inability the government to protect them, the Madi people decided to take things into their hand. So in March 1986, in Nimule, the council of Madi elders gathered to decide how to prepare to face further aggressions and plunders from SPLA in the Madiland. The meeting was chaired by Mr. Ruben Surur, then the chief of Lukai. The council unanimously selected Mr. Poliodoro Draru to lead the Madi people in the fight against the aggressors. The meeting was concluded by a traditional Madi ritual, during which Surur gave his ajugo (the biggest spear of a warrior) to Draru.

The choice of the council of elders who selected Draru as an ajugo, was was not an accident of history. It was rather based on Draru’s track-record in leadership. Moreover, both Surur and Draru came from the Lukai royal family. In fact Draru was the protégée of His Majesty Alimu Dengu. Draru was supposed to succeed Alimu Dengu, but for several reasons, he did not, so Alimu Dengu became the last King of the Madi people.

Years later, when General Joseph Lagu started the Anyanya I movement, Draru wanted to be in the frontline. But General Lagu appointed Draru as intelligence officer. He worked hand in hand with [Mr. Angelo Vuga] (who was also an intelligence officer), in managing the logistics of Anyanya I, and also helped in recruiting young fighters - some of whom had to go to Israel for training.

Now as fate had, Draru had to be in the frontline. To prepare for the future battles, Draru and his chief advisor, Jino Gama Agnasi went to Juba to brief General Peter Cirilo (of the Sudanese Army, then the governor of Eastern Equatoria) about the situation in Madiland. General Cirilo consulted with Sadiq al-Mahdi (then the Prime Minister of the Sudan), who gave his blessing for the Madi people to defend themselves. Thus a Madi militia was formed, led by Draru. As the Madi militia was being was formed, in the meantime the geopolitical situation in the Sudan was changing so fast. The SPLA was becoming stronger as it captured more territories, not least, in Eastern Equatoria region. Moreover, some Madi people decided to join SPLA. Some of the Madi people who were first to join SPLA were Dr Anne Itto (who previously worked as a lecturer at the University of Juba), Mr. John Andruga, and Mr. Martin Teresio Kenyi. These people were later to hold high position in SPLA.

By joining SPLA, first Madi people in the movement thought to turn the SPLA from being the enemy of the people to the liberator of the people. But such as a tactical ploy was not bear the expected fruits. Instead, the Madi people became polarized. One group took side with Draru, the other group stood with SPLA. For example in Moli clan, two brothers (Mr. Tibi and Tombe Celestino) took opposite sides in the war. Whereas Tibi joined SPLA, Mr. Celestino went with Draru.

The polarization of the Madi society was to bring the Madi society to conflicts in which the Madi people paid so heavily; many with their own lives. Only within a matter of three years (between 1986-1988), the Madiland which was very peaceful, became a war zone – a place of great tragedies. For example in Moli area alone, very many innocent people were murdered at river Liro, in resulting battles led by the two brothers: Mr. Tibi and Mr. Celestino. Initially Acholi-Madi clan also took side with the SPLA.

In 1988, realizing that the Madi and Acholi-Madi people had been taken in by the calamity brought by the polarization in the society, in order to stop further tragedies, the Madi and Acholi elders decided that the warring parties reach out to each other.

Consequently Draru’s group met his counterpart. Talks and negotiations were then followed by some sort of agreement. However, it seemed that the agreement between the two groups did not change the dynamics of things very much. On a national scale, the SPLA continued to become stronger, as the Sudanese government and the militias it supported were losing ground. In 1988, SPLA captured several strategic towns in Eastern Equatoria: Magwi, Obbo, etc. When it finally captured Torit, the capital city of Eastern equatorial, it became apparent that it was only matter of weeks, it will also capture Nimule, which was the only stronghold of Draru’s militia.

So early in 1989, An army of SPLA soldiers made its way to Nimule. However two days before it arrived Nimule, General Peter Cirilo, sent an urgent message to Mr Draru. He wrote, "It is over, please don't fight and destroy your people for the sake of Pyrrhic victory!" Draru listened to the senior General and didn't risk the lives of his soldiers and many Madi people. So Nimule fell to SPLA – without a big battle.

With the fall of Nimule, the militia led by Draru and even the ordinary Madi people fearing revenge from the SPLA soldiers, escaped to [Uganda] . The fear of the people was not to be unfounded; upon their arrival in Nimule, some SPLA soldiers murdered several civilians in cold-blood. However, as the SPLA established itself in Nimule, it leadership started to appeal to the Madi people who escaped to Uganda and elsewhere to come back home. Some of the Madi people listened to the appeal and came back. Others waited until the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the Sudanese government and SPLA was signed before repatriating. Yet many Madi people decided to remain in Uganda, even after the CPA. Thus the second civil war, diminished the population of the Madi people in Sudan very considerably.

Religion

Precolonial Spirituality and Beliefs

The whole of essence of Madi spirituality (which predates the advent of colonialism) is centred on the belief that their ancestors survived after death in form of spirits known as "ori". It is believed that the "ori" could intervene directly in human affairs. Thus the Madi attribute every misfortune to the anger of a spirit and in the event of a misfortune or sickness, they would immediately consult an odzo or "odzogo" (spirit-medium) to find out which ancestor was behind the ordeal. Sacrifices were then offered to the particular spirit in order to avert its malign influence on the living. The powerful families among the Madi were believed to have powerful ancestral spirits to help them.

However the advent of colonialism the put a knife into the heart of Madi the the once reverer spiritual values and beliefs. "Rubanga" - the Christain God and the "Allah of Islam", took the places and roles which in the past belonged to the "ori."

Nonetheless, today in the age where most Madi people have converted to the foreign religions, still some believers in the traditional Madi religion, try to build a bridge between "Rubanga" and "Ori".

On miniature altars called "Kidori", sacrifices are offered to ancestral spirits in good times and bad times as a way to approach God or "Rubanga". Oftentimes at harvest time, the first harvest must be offered to the spirits to thank them for successfully interceding to God on behalf of the living.

The Ma'di also have rainmakers who play important social, religious and political roles. They have the power to make rain to fall. Quite often they face the wrath of the people when rain fails for a prolonged period of time.

Christianity

Christianity was first introduced to the Sudan, i.e Nobatia (northern Sudan and part of Dongola), by a missionary sent by Byzantine empress Theodora in 540 AD. The second wave of Christianity to the Sudan came during the time of the European Colonialism. In 1892, the Belgian expediters took parts of southern Sudan that came to be named Lado Enclave (i.e the western bank of Upper Nile region which is today the southeast Sudan and northwest Uganda). After the death of king Leopold II on 10 June 1910, the Lado Encalve, became the province of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, with its capital city at Rajaf. In 1912 the southern part of Lado Enclave become part of northern Uganda, which was also the British Colony. It was during that time the Madi people were divided into the Sudanese and Ugandan Madi. Christianity to the northern part of Lado Enclave was brought via Uganda at about the same time - as Colonialism always went hand in with Christianization

The notion God and the Madi word for it Rubanga, have very recent history. They came with Christianity. For example in the Roman Cathotic Catechesis in Madi language, when asked "Rubanga ido oluka adu nga" (How old is God), we're expected to answer Rubanga ido "oluka ku" (God has no beginning). And when asked "Adi obi nyi ni oba nyi vu dri ni" (who has created you and put you on the Earth), you are expected to answer "Rubanga obi mani obama vu dri ni" (God has created me and put me on Earth). And we are also asked to believe ta "Rubanga abi le ati ri anjeli" (the first things God created were angels). Moving away from the Christian paradigm, if you are to go back the in time, you reach "beroniga". Before that there was was nothing; the notions like time and space are void of meaning and content. Thus "vu"(space-time) came along with beronigo and all events and creation came after beroniga. Now without the context of Christianity, in Madi cosmogony there is no say "Rubanga obi vu ni". That cannot be the case since Rubanga came to Madi with Christianity, while "vu" (space-time) came about since "beroniga". It is also erroneous to give the quality of godness to vu since it hasn't any. "Vu" has always been at the mercy of the "ori" (the spirit gods). The "ori", both good and bad often have their manifestations in trees, snakes, rivers, hills or the souls of departed parents and relatives. While tree-god may die, river-god may dry up, the ori which gave those entities the qualities of godness, never die - they reincarnate! It was at the "kidori" (stone alters) the Madi people worship "ori". In Madi worship is called "kirodi di ka" (or sometimes "vu di ka"). When the "ori" are happy with the people they bless "vu", and "vu" becomes friendly to the inhabitants.

Islam

The majority of the Madi are now Christians, while some are Muslim. Most Christian Ma'dis are Catholics with some Anglicans. However a plethora of new churches are springing up daily in the area.

There is also a sizeable Moslem community, mostly of Nubi (in Uganda), especially in trading areas like Adjumani, Dzaipi and Nimule. See Juma Oris and Moses Ali. However, even the so called 'people of the books' often revert to traditional beliefs and practices at traumatic moments. In addition some modern people continue to believe in traditional African religions.

Socio-Economic activities

The Ma'di grow millet, sorghum, cassava, sweet potatoes, sesame, groundnuts for home consumption and sale. The main cash crops are cotton {Uganda} and tobacco {Sudan}. There is some fishing at Laropi (Uganda) and Nimule (Sudan). Hunting used to be a very important seasonal activity but is dwindling in importance now.

The Social and Political system of the Madi

The Madi society is established on the notions of "clans" and "kinship" under traditional rulers which all the subjects in the same geographical area pay their allegiance. There are clan and village leaders and family units who ensure that law and order within communities are kept and maintained socially, people do not worry within close relations, communal field work, feasts, hunting and funerals take place which brings about consolidation of unity, cooperation and peace. Marriages normally take place in churches, in homes of bridegrooms and in the government Administrators office. Traditional shrines are respected. Hereditary rulers and their spouses are buried in those sacred places (rudu).

Social Events, Attitudes, Custom

The social and political set-up of the Madi is closely interwoven with spirituality and this forms their attitudes and traditions. The society is organized in chiefdoms headed by a hereditary chief known as the "Opi". The Opi exercised both political and religious powers. The rain-makers, land chiefs – vudipi (who exercises an important influence over the land) and the chiefs are believed to retain similar powers even after their deaths. There was a hierarchy of spirits corresponding exactly to the hierarchy of authority as it existed in the society. The Opi (Chief/King) is the highest Authority in Madi, he is followed in rank by the community of elders who are responsible for resolving disputes, in the clans/villages.Historically the office an "opi" has always been held by a man. There is no record of a female opi.

The Madi in Uganda

Moyo District

The Present day Moyo and Adjumani District made up the former Madi District. Moyo District was created in 1980 and in 1977, on one of its counties Adjumani was elevated to District status. Moyo borders the districts of Adjumani in the east and south, Arua in the west and the republic of Sudan in the north. It is a beautiful part of Uganda where the mountains of the southern Sudan can be seen in the distance out against the flat landscape all around. The district has over 199,912 people, majority of which are the Madi people.

Adjumani

It is composed of East Moyo county which together with West Moyo County previously made up Moyo District. At Independence in 1962, it was known as Madi district. Adjumani and Moyo Districts are separated by the Albert Nile. Adjumani District is bordered by the Republic of Sudan to the North, Gulu to the east and south and Arua, Moyo and Yumbe District in the west. The district has over 201,493 people.

Odrupele

Odrupele (also Dufilé, Duffli, Duffle, or Dufli) is a very important name for Madi people for its history. It is Madi district, where the ruins of the famous forte of Dufile is stands. The forte was originally a fort built by Emin Pasha, the Governor of Equatoria, in 1879; it's located on the Albert Nile just inside Uganda, close to a site chosen in 1874 by then-Colonel Charles George Gordon to assemble steamers that were carried there overland. Emin and A.J. Mounteney Jephson were confined in the fort during a mutiny in 1888. There followed the Battle of Dufile when the former mutineers, after releasing Emin and Jephson, rallied to fight Mahdist forces. Abandoned by Emin's people in January 1889, Dufile, was later reoccupied and reconstructed by Belgian forces from 1902 to 1907. The fort, where a ditch and bank enclose an area of 12 acres (4.8 hectares), can be reached by road or boat from Laropi. Emin's old harbour is now the departure point for passenger ferries to Nimule in the Southern Sudan.

The Madi in Sudan

Mugali

The word Mugali comes from the clause ‘aga ali’ (I reject or avoided problems). People moved to Mugali around 1938-1946 from Mua because Mugali land was (virgin) fertile, accessible by good road and Mua was infected with tsetse-flies.

Within Mugali one can identify subdivisions like Aseyi, Masindi, Luzira, Kurero, Ganzi and Palongwa. One may still subdivide the subdivisions into clans like Odupkwee/Opi, (easily identified with Alimu Dengu), Palongwa, Paselo, Pucheri (also identified with Alimu Achari), Paika, Bari (Munna and Mujunaka are names easily identified with the Bari/Metu), Alu, Paloyi, Patibi, etc. The Pucheri, Paika and Alu moved a bit later and are mainly found at Kurero with the Bari. Some notable people expected to move, but remained and found on southern part of Iriya at Orobe are Itchoko (father of Abele, and Driver Kolonya- of Orobe clan) Graciano (father of Arika, Dina, etc.) & brothers from Urugu and Olli (father to late Jonathan Draga - Odupkwee). Itchoko likely did not move because he was responsible for the fishing camp “Apala”. He collected royalties from Apala and it was a good source of income for his family.

Nimule

Nimule grew as a port for the steamers coming to Sudan from Uganda. It was a vital link for travellers to Khartoum by steamers from Juba. The Ugandan steamers carried passengers to and from Sudan and vital essential commodities like sugar to Sudan. This port ceased to function due to flooding in the sixties and because of the Anya-nya war. Nimule was also an important location for monitoring the level of the Nile water by Egypt. Late Yakobo Yanga (father to Retd General Joseph Lagu,) at Nimule and late Donato Fuli at Aswa (father of late Adelino Fuli, Gabriel Oliri, Ajjeo Fulli, Racheal Fuli etc. ) were monitors of the Nile waters. Nimule is subdivided into Longoa, Jeleyi, Anzara, Reyi and Abila/Olikwi.

Loa

Loa has been the traditional administrative seat of Ma’di. While Cirino lived at Robijo, the “B” Court was located at around what one may call Iriya. This is where the first market ‘Atidrira’ in Ma’diland is located. People in Loa do identify themselves with the following places: Atcha/Orobe, Iriya, Melekwe, Ongoro, Mission/Choyi, Robijo, Eyietchako, Nyangiri, Iluma, and Wanchore.

Pageri/Arapi

Pageri is located at the Nimule-Juba and Pageri-Torit junction. Pageri became famous because of Itto Kafiri, father to Hajer Kebir and Galdino Mojolo in Khartoum. Pageri includes places like Adravo, Pageri, Agaduma and Nyongwa.

Bori/Opari

Ma’di and Kuku were administered from Kajokeji. The British then decided to establish another administrative seat in Ma’diland. Nimule was rejected because of being a border town. Loa, where the chief is located, failed to qualify because of lack of water and perhaps because Loa was predominately Catholic. Then Opari became the obvious choice for the Crown. This is why there is CMS, the Religion of the crown is common in Opari. Unfortunately, Opari also sometimes becomes dry. The colonial government then moved to Magwi, where is Ayi river. Bori is made up of Opari, Patibi, Nyongwagwere, Owingkibul, Winyalwo’nga, and Liyokwe.

Kerepi

Kerepi has been famous for the Army camp and later the tobacco industry. This is why one finds some traces of coloured people in the area. Kerepi and Moli are also famous for the lulu oil (awa adu). Kerepi is made up of Kerepi/Mtala, Lon’gayo, Gbulukujo and Ikwa.

Moli

The northern border of Ma’di with outsiders is at Moli- precisely at Nyolo River. At this point, one meets the Acholi, Lolubo and Bari. Moli has the following subdivisions: Tokuro, Auefuni, Moliangwa and Kit areas.

Migration

Migration within the Sudan - from Mua to Mugali

With the demise of Lado Enclave, the map of Sudan, Uganda and Congo Democratic Republic were redrawn. This affected the Madi people greatly as the Madi people had now to be separated into two countries – Sudan and Uganda. A large of group of Madi people whose territory extended till Rajaf, now had to move southward to Mua (also called Wanchori).

Wanchori lies east of Loa and between Eyibi and Atapi rivers. Before reaching Wanchori, you pass through Odoko, which spread right after you cross Eyibi and south of the Pageri-Torit road. The group of Madi who settled in Wanchori became the Lukai clan. According to Madi oral history, Mr. Ajukeri became the first King (Opi) of Madi in Wanchori. From the demise of Lado in 1912 until around 1938, the Madi people were now settled in Wanchori. They kept good trading relations with the Bari people, until one day a dishonest Madi man cheated a Bari trader. He didn't pay the Bari guy the price for the beads he agreed to pay. In anger and revenge the Bari guy sent Lioness Foni and Lion Rafaile who came and ate a few Madi people in Wanchori. In order to counter the terror posed by Foni and Rafaile, Mr. Rubeni Surur (who later became an Opi) gathered the young men in Wanchori together, went out and killed Foni, and wounded Rafaile, who escaped with wounded foot.

However the demise of Foni and Rafaile didn't stop the Bari people from sending more lions to Wanchori. Beside the threats from the wild beasts, drought and land degradation (infertility) with the resultant food shortage,lack of access to good road, infection from tsetse-flies were all posed great threats to the people. Thus to avoid more deaths in the hands of the wild beats, and also from stravation, the Madi people moved to Mugali. The word Mugali literally means I reject problems. Besides moving to Mugali, some people moved to Uganda. The clan most commonly mentioned to have moved to Uganda (Lokung, Padibe and Parcele, Chinyakwia) are the Paoto.

Migration between the Sudan and Uganda

However, one can also find migrants at Atyak, Abalokodi, Dzaipi, Ajumani, Moyo and urban centres like Gulu and Kitgum. Ma’di are not matrilineal. An offspring belongs to the father. Therefore, movement is traced through males. Perhaps in future movement may also be identified with women because of economic achievement.

Reasons for Migration

There are a number of reasons for a person to move:
(i) Lack of bride price for marriage:
(ii) A person regarded as a wizard may be forced to leave his/her usual place of residence
(iii) Death of a husband may cause the wife to go to her home of origin (father)
(iv) Soil degradation: land one has been cultivating for a long time may become infertile and will force him to look for a virgin land.
(v) Economic reasons: Seeking opportunities for employment/investment e.g. traders moving to Nimule, Mugali, Loa, Pageri, etc. To mind comes the migration of Yakobo Yanga from Moli to Nimule and the employee of Public Works Department late Kelle from Kajo Keji -father in law to Caesar Mori.
(vi) A person may also move to live with an aunt. This could be due to the death of the father and no one to take care of the parson.
(vii) Displacement by wars: Ma’di people have moved to Uganda twice, first in the early sixties and then again in the eighties. Ma’di from Uganda also came to Sudan in the seventies and they were forcefully pushed back when the SPLA/M brutalities intensified in Ma’diland.
(viii) Conscription into the King’s African Rifles: Some people who joined the KAR and fought with the British in the Second World war remained in Uganda. The people settled in Bombo were such people and we had Ma’di people among them.

Dances

There are a number of traditional dances. The main ones are Mure, (a royal war dance), gayi (a youth flirtation dance in the flamingo tradition), kore (a graceful dance), kejua (mostly by women), ogwa ariyo ( a foreign invasion possibly from the Acholi for youth).

Musicians

Some of the most well known Ma'di musicians are:
Ma'di Homa Boyz, who rap.
Pawa Boyz, who are into easy listening music.
Of the older generation there is James Iyu who plays a traditional harp [o'di] and Jima Oyuru who plays guitar, in country fashion.

Notable Ma'di Individuals

"Felix Onoma", Defence Minister, Obote 1 regime (Uganda). Deceased.
"Roland Bata (Dr)", Minister of Labour, Museveni Government (Uganda)
"Moses Apiliga (Dr)", Minister of Trade and Supply, and MP currently, Obote ii, (Uganda)
"Moses Ali (General)", Minister of Finance (Amin's Govt) and Deputy V Premiere (Museveni)
"Juma Orisi (Brigadier)", Minister of Foreign Affairs, (Amin). Deceased.
"Caesar Asili", Bishop of Lira (Uganda). Deceased.
"Joseph Lagu (Lt Gen)", Vice President (Sudan), Leader of Anyanya
"Martin Terensio Kenyi (Brigadier General)", an army officer (Sudan), former leader of Equatoria Defense Force
"Paride Taban", Bishop of Torit, Sudan. Retired.
"Angelo Voga", Former Sudanese Ambassador to Zimbabwe
"Ann Itto (Dr)", SPLM Deputy Sec Gen Southern Sector (Sudan) and academic
"Redento Onzi", Speaker of National Assembly, Khartoum, in 1950s.Deceased.
"Siricio Iro", Member of the Joint Presidency in 1950s, Khartoum, Sudan. deceased.
"Andrea Vuni", Bishop African Inland Church, Sudan. deceased. "Nichlaus Olal", Bishop, revival church, Sudan
"Giovani Kisso", Bishop, Apostolic Church, Sudan.

Important books on Ma'di by the Ma'di

A'babiku, Rose 'A Key History of Ma'di
Blackings, M and Fabb N (2003) A Grammar of Ma'di: Mouton
Blackings, M (2000) Ma'di English - English Ma'di Dictionary. Lincom Europa.
Fuli, Severino (2002) Shaping a Free Southern Sudan: Memoirs of our struggle. Loa Parish.

Important Tourist Attractions

In Uganda there are substantial earthworks of a fort at Dufile which was built in 1879 by Emin Pasha close to a site selected by Charles George Gordon in 1874; Dufile was originally used as a port for steamers and is today passenger ferries link it to Nimule. In the Sudan, there is the Nimule national park, and the Fulla Rapids, which may become a major provider of hydro-electricity for the whole region.

References

* [http://www.gurtong.org/resourcecenter/people/profile_tribe.asp?TribeID=30 Gurtong Peace Project - South Sudanese Communities]
* Moorehead Alan, No Room in the Ark, Penguin, Middlesex, 1962.
* [http://explorion.net/discovery-source-nile-john-hanning-speke.html The Discovery of the Source of the Nile, by John Hanning Speke]
* Ismailia, by Sir Samuel White Baker
* The Albert N'Yanza, Great Basin of the Nile and Explorations of the Nile Sources, by Sir Samuel White Baker
* In the Heart of Africa, by Sir Samuel White Baker
* The Nile Tributaries of Abyssinia and the Sword Hunters of the Hamran Arabs, by Sir Samuel White Baker
* Crabites, Pierre. Gordon, The Sudan and Slavery Greenwood Press, 1970. ISBN 0-8371-1764-X
* Northrup, David. Beyond the Bend in the River: African Labor in Eastern Zaire, 1865-1940 Ohio University Center for International Studies, 1988. ISBN 0-89680-151-9
* Udal, John O. The Nile in darkness: conquest and exploration, 1504-1862 Michael Russell Publishing, 1998. ISBN 0-85955-238-1